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Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr.

Malcolm X waiting for a conference in 1964
Martin Luther King Jr.  with Lyndon B Johnson
Malcolm X (born Malcolm Little; May 19, 1925–February 21, 1965), also known as El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz[1] (Arabic: الحاجّ مالك الشباز‎), was an African-American Muslim minister, public speaker, and human rights activist.[2][3][4][5] To his admirers, he was a courageous advocate for the rights of African Americans, a man who indicted white America in the harshest terms for its crimes against black Americans.[6] His detractors accused him of preaching racism, black supremacy, and violence.[7][8][9][10] He has been described as one of the greatest and most influential African Americans in history.[11][12][13]

Malcolm X was born in Omaha, Nebraska. By the time he was 13, his father had died and his mother had been committed to a mental hospital. His childhood, including his father's lessons concerning black pride and self-reliance and his own experiences concerning race, played a significant role in Malcolm X's adult life. After living in a series of foster homes, Malcolm X became involved in the criminal underworld in Boston and New York. In 1945, Malcolm X was sentenced to eight to ten years in prison.

While in prison, Malcolm X became a member of the Nation of Islam. After his parole in 1952, he became one of the Nation's leaders and chief spokesmen. For nearly a dozen years, he was the public face of the Nation of Islam. Tension between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad, head of the Nation of Islam, led to Malcolm X's departure from the organization in March 1964.

After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X became a Sunni Muslim and made a pilgrimage to Mecca. He traveled extensively throughout Africa and the Middle East. He founded Muslim Mosque, Inc., a religious organization, and the secular, black nationalist Organization of Afro-American Unity. Less than a year after he left the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X was assassinated while giving a speech in New York.

Early years

Malcolm Little was born on May 19, 1925, in Omaha, Nebraska, to Earl and Louise Little (née Louisa Norton).[14] His father was an outspoken Baptist lay speaker; he supported Pan-African activist Marcus Garvey and was a local leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA).[15] Malcolm never forgot the values of black pride and self-reliance that his father and other UNIA leaders preached.[16] Malcolm X later said that three of Earl Little's brothers, one of whom was lynched, died violently at the hands of white men.[17] Because of Ku Klux Klan threats, the family relocated in 1926 to Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and shortly thereafter to Lansing, Michigan. Marcus Garvey, founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Earl Little was a local leader of the UNIA.

Earl Little was dark-skinned and born in Georgia.[18] Earl's second wife was Louise, with whom he had seven children, of whom Malcolm was the fourth. Earl and Louise Little's children's names were, in order: Wilfred, Hilda, Philbert, Malcolm, Reginald, Yvonne, and Wesley. He had three children (Ella, Mary, and Earl, Jr.) from his first marriage.[19]

Louise Little had been born in Grenada. Her father was Scottish and she was so light-skinned that she could have passed for white. Malcolm inherited his light complexion from his mother and grandfather.[20] Initially he felt his light skin was a status symbol, but he later said he "hated every drop of that white rapist's blood that is in me."[21] Malcolm X later remembered feeling that his father favored him because he was the lightest child in the family; however, he thought his mother treated him harshly for the same reason.[22] One of Malcolm's nicknames, "Red", derived from the tinge of his hair. According to one biographer, at birth he had "ash-blonde hair ... tinged with cinnamon", and at four, "reddish-blonde hair".[23] His hair darkened as he aged, but he also resembled his paternal grandmother, whose hair "turned reddish in the summer sun."[14] The issue of skin color and skin tone took on very significant implications later in Malcolm's life.[18]

In December 1924, Louise Little was threatened by Klansmen while she was pregnant with Malcolm. She recalled that the Klansmen warned the family to leave Omaha, because Earl Little's activities with UNIA were "spreading trouble".[24]

After they moved to Lansing, their house was burned in 1929, but the family escaped without physical injury. On September 28, 1931, Earl Little was run over by a streetcar in Lansing and died. Authorities ruled his death an accident. The police reported that Earl Little was conscious when they arrived on the scene, and he told them he had slipped and fallen under the streetcar's wheels.[25] Malcolm X later remembered that the black community disputed the cause of death, believing there was circumstantial evidence of assault. His family had frequently been harassed by the Black Legion, a white supremacist group that his father accused of burning down their home in 1929. Some blacks believed the Black Legion killed Earl Little. As Malcolm later wrote, "How could my father bash himself in the head, then get down across the streetcar tracks to be run over?"[26]

Though Earl Little had two life insurance policies, his family received death benefits solely from the smaller policy. The insurance company of the larger policy claimed that his father had committed suicide and refused to issue the benefit.[27] Several years after her husband's death, Louise had her youngest son, Robert Little, by an unnamed partner.[28] In December 1938 Louise Little had a nervous breakdown and was declared legally insane. The Little siblings were split up and sent to different foster homes. The state formally committed Louise Little to the state mental hospital at Kalamazoo, Michigan, where she remained until Malcolm and his siblings secured her release 26 years later.[29]

Malcolm Little was one of the best students in his junior high school, but he dropped out after a white eighth-grade teacher told him that his aspirations of being a lawyer were "no realistic goal for a nigger."[30] Years later, Malcolm X would laugh about the incident, but at the time it was humiliating. It made him feel that there was no place in the white world for a career-oriented black man, no matter how smart he was.[30] After enduring a series of white foster parents, Malcolm moved to Boston in February 1941 to live with his older half-sister, Ella Little Collins.[31][32]

Young adult years

Collins lived in Roxbury, a predominantly African-American middle-class neighborhood of Boston. It was the first time Little had seen so many black people. He was drawn to the cultural and social life of the neighborhood.[33]

In Boston, Little held a variety of jobs and found intermittent employment with the New Haven Railroad. Between 1943 and 1946, Little drifted from city to city and job to job. He left Boston to live for a short time in Flint, Michigan. He moved to New York City in 1943. Living in Harlem, he became involved in drug dealing, gambling, racketeering, robbery, and steering prostitutes.[34]

When Little was examined in 1943 for the draft, military physicians classified him as "mentally disqualified for military service".[35] He later recalled that he put on a display to avoid the draft by telling the examining officer that he could not wait to "steal us some guns, and kill us [some] crackers."[36] His approach worked; his classification ensured he would not be drafted.[35]

In late 1945, Little returned to Boston. With a group of associates, he began a series of elaborate burglaries targeting the residences of wealthy white families.[37] On January 12, 1946, Little was arrested for burglary while trying to pick up a stolen watch he had left for repairs at a jewelry shop.[38] The shop owner called the police because the watch seemed too expensive for the average Roxbury resident. Little told the police that he had a gun on his person and surrendered so the police would treat him more leniently.[39] Two days later, Little was indicted for carrying firearms. On January 16, he was charged with larceny and breaking and entering, and eventually sentenced to eight to ten years in Massachusetts State Prison.[40]

On February 27, Little began serving his sentence at the Massachusetts State Prison in Charlestown. While in prison, Little earned the nickname of "Satan" for his hostility toward religion.[41] Little met a self-educated man in prison named John Elton Bembry (referred to as "Bimbi" in The Autobiography of Malcolm X).[42] Bembry was a well-regarded prisoner at Charlestown, and Malcolm X would later describe him as "the first man I had ever seen command total respect ... with words."[43] Gradually, the two men became friends and Bembry convinced Little to educate himself.[44] Little developed a voracious appetite for reading, and he frequently read after the prison lights had been turned off.[45]

In 1948, Little's brother Philbert wrote, telling him about the Nation of Islam. Like the UNIA, the Nation preached black self-reliance and, ultimately, the unification of members of the African diaspora, free from white American and European domination.[46] Little was not interested in joining until his brother Reginald wrote, saying, "Malcolm, don't eat any more pork and don't smoke any more cigarettes. I'll show you how to get out of prison."[47] Little quit smoking, and the next time pork was served in the prison dining hall, he refused to eat it.[48]

When Reginald came to visit Little, he described the group's teachings, including the belief that white people are devils. Afterward, Little thought about all the white people he had known, and he realized that he'd never had a relationship with a white person or social institution that wasn't based on dishonesty, injustice, greed, and hatred. Little began to reconsider his dismissal of all religion and he became receptive to the message of the Nation of Islam. Other family members who had joined the Nation wrote or visited and encouraged Little to join.[49]

In February 1948, mostly through his sister's efforts, Little was transferred to an experimental prison in Norfolk, Massachusetts, a facility that had a much larger library.[50] In late 1948, he wrote a letter to Elijah Muhammad, the leader of the Nation of Islam. Muhammad advised him to atone for his crimes by renouncing his past and by humbly bowing in prayer to Allah and promising never to engage in destructive behavior again. Little, who always had been rebellious and deeply skeptical, found it very difficult to bow in prayer. It took him a week to bend his knees. Finally he prayed, and he became a member of the Nation of Islam.[51] For the remainder of his incarceration, Little maintained regular correspondence with Muhammad.[52]

On August 7, 1952, Little was paroled and was released from prison.[40] He later reflected on the time he spent in prison after his conversion: "Months passed without my even thinking about being imprisoned. In fact, up to then, I had never been so truly free in my life."[53]

Nation of Islam

Main Article: Nation of Islam

Leaders

In 1952, after his release from prison, Little visited Elijah Muhammad in Chicago, Illinois.[54] Then, like many members of the Nation of Islam, he changed his surname to "X". In his autobiography, Malcolm X explained the "X": "The Muslim's 'X' symbolized the true African family name that he never could know. For me, my 'X' replaced the white slavemaster name of 'Little' which some blue-eyed devil named Little had imposed upon my paternal forebears."[55]

The FBI opened a file on Malcolm X in March 1953 after hearing from an informant that Malcolm X described himself as a Communist. Soon the FBI turned its attention from concerns about possible Communist Party association to Malcolm X's rapid ascent in the Nation of Islam.[56]

In June 1953, Malcolm X was named assistant minister of the Nation of Islam's Temple Number One[57] in Detroit.[58] By late 1953, he established Boston's Temple Number Eleven.[59] In March 1954, Malcolm X expanded Temple Number Twelve in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.[60] Two months later he was selected to lead the Nation of Islam's Temple Number Seven in Harlem.[61] He rapidly expanded its membership.[62] After a 1959 television broadcast in New York City about the Nation of Islam, The Hate That Hate Produced, Malcolm X became known to a much wider audience. Representatives of the print media, radio, and television frequently asked him for comments on issues. He was also sought as a spokesman by reporters from other countries.[63]

From his adoption of the Nation of Islam in 1952 until he left the organization in 1964, Malcolm X promoted the Nation's teachings. He taught that black people were the original people of the world,[64] and that white people were a race of devils.[65] In his speeches, Malcolm X said that black people were superior to white people, and that the demise of the white race was imminent.[66]

While the civil rights movement fought against racial segregation, Malcolm X advocated the complete separation of African Americans from white people. He proposed the establishment of a separate country for black people[67] as an interim measure until African Americans could return to Africa.[68] Malcolm X also rejected the civil rights movement's strategy of nonviolence and instead advocated that black people use any necessary means of self-defense to protect themselves.[69]

Malcolm X's speeches had a powerful effect on his audiences, generally African Americans who lived in the Northern and Western cities who were tired of being told to wait for freedom, justice, equality, and respect.[70] Many blacks felt that he articulated their complaints better than the civil rights movement did.[71]

Many white people, and some blacks, were alarmed by Malcolm X and the things he said. He and the Nation of Islam were described as hatemongers, black segregationists, violence-seekers, and a threat to improved race relations. Civil rights organizations denounced Malcolm X and the Nation as irresponsible extremists whose views were not representative of African Americans.[72]

Malcolm X was equally critical of the civil rights movement.[73] He described its leaders as "stooges" for the white establishment and said that Martin Luther King, Jr. was a "chump".[74][75] He criticized the 1963 March on Washington, which he called "the farce on Washington".[76] He said he did not know why black people were excited over a demonstration "run by whites in front of a statue of a president who has been dead for a hundred years and who didn't like us when he was alive".[77]

Malcolm X has been widely considered the second most influential leader of the movement after Elijah Muhammad.[78] He was largely credited with increasing membership in the Nation of Islam from 500 in 1952 to 25,000 in 1963.[79][80] He inspired the boxer Cassius Clay (later known as Muhammad Ali) to join the Nation of Islam.[81] Ali later left the Nation of Islam and became a Sunni Muslim, as did Malcolm X.[82]

Marriage and family

On January 14, 1958, Malcolm X married Betty X (née Sanders) in Lansing, Michigan.[83] The two had been friends for about a year and—although they had never discussed the subject—Betty X suspected that he was interested in marriage. One day, he called and asked her to marry him.[84]

The couple had six daughters. Their names were Attallah, born in 1958 and named after Attila the Hun;[85] Qubilah, born in 1960 and named after Kublai Khan;[86] Ilyasah, born in 1962 and named after Elijah Muhammad;[87] Gamilah Lumumba, born in 1964 and named after Patrice Lumumba;[88] and twins, Malaak and Malikah, born in 1965 after their father's assassination and named for him.[89]

Meeting Castro and other world leaders

In September 1960, Fidel Castro arrived in New York to attend the meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. He and his entourage stayed at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem. Malcolm X was a prominent member of a Harlem-based welcoming committee made up of community leaders who met with Castro.[90] Castro was so impressed by Malcolm X that he requested a private meeting with him.[91] During the General Assembly meeting, Malcolm X was also invited to many official embassy functions sponsored by African nations, where he met heads of state and other leaders, including Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Ahmed Sékou Touré of Guinea, and Kenneth Kaunda of the Zambian African National Congress.[92]

Leaving the Nation of Islam

In early 1963, Malcolm X started collaborating with Alex Haley on The Autobiography of Malcolm X.[93] The book was not finished when he was assassinated in 1965. Haley completed it and published it later that year.[94][95]

On December 1, 1963, when he was asked for a comment about the assassination of President Kennedy, Malcolm X said that it was a case of "chickens coming home to roost". He added that "chickens coming home to roost never did make me sad; they've always made me glad."[96] The New York Times wrote, "in further criticism of Mr. Kennedy, the Muslim leader cited the murders of Patrice Lumumba, Congo leader, of Medgar Evers, civil rights leader, and of the Negro girls bombed earlier this year in a Birmingham church. These, he said, were instances of other 'chickens coming home to roost'."[96]

The remarks prompted a widespread public outcry. The Nation of Islam, which had issued a message of condolence to the Kennedy family and ordered its ministers not to comment on the assassination, publicly censured their former shining star.[97] Although Malcolm X retained his post and rank as minister, he was prohibited from public speaking for 90 days.[98]

On March 8, 1964, Malcolm X publicly announced his break from the Nation of Islam. He said that he was still a Muslim, but he felt the Nation of Islam had "gone as far as it can" because of its rigid religious teachings.[99] Malcolm X said he was going to organize a black nationalist organization that would try to "heighten the political consciousness" of African Americans.[99] He also expressed his desire to work with other civil rights leaders and said that Elijah Muhammad had prevented him from doing so in the past.[99]

One reason for the separation was growing tension between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad because of Malcolm X's dismay about rumors of Muhammad's extramarital affairs with young secretaries. Such actions were against the teachings of the Nation. Although at first Malcolm X ignored the rumors, he spoke with Muhammad's son and the women making the accusations. He came to believe that they were true, and Muhammad confirmed the rumors in 1963. Muhammad tried to justify his actions by referring to precedents by Biblical prophets.[100]

Another reason was resentment by people within the Nation. As Malcolm X had become a favorite of the media, and many in the Nation's Chicago headquarters felt that he was over-shadowing Muhammad. Louis Lomax's 1963 book about the Nation of Islam, When the Word Is Given, featured a picture of Malcolm X on its cover and included five of his speeches, but only one of Muhammad's, which greatly upset Muhammad. Muhammad was also envious that a publisher was interested in Malcolm X's autobiography.[93]

After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X founded Muslim Mosque, Inc., a religious organization,[101][102] and the Organization of Afro-American Unity, a secular group that advocated black nationalism.[103][104] On March 26, 1964, he met Martin Luther King, Jr. in Washington, D.C., after a press conference which followed both men attending the Senate to hear the debate on the Civil Rights bill. This was the only time the two men ever met; their meeting lasted only one minute,[105] just long enough for photographers to take a picture.[106][107]

In April, Malcolm X made a speech titled "The Ballot or the Bullet" in which he advised African Americans to exercise their right to vote wisely.[108][109] Several Sunni Muslims encouraged Malcolm X to learn about Islam. Soon he converted to Sunni Islam, and decided to make his pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj).[110]

International travel

Pilgrimage to Mecca

On April 13, 1964, Malcolm X departed JFK Airport in New York for Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. His status as an authentic Muslim was questioned by Saudi authorities because of his United States passport and his inability to speak Arabic. Since only confessing Muslims are allowed into Mecca, he was separated from his group for about 20 hours.[111][112]

According to his autobiography, Malcolm X saw a telephone and remembered the book The Eternal Message of Muhammad by Abdul Rahman Hassan Azzam, which had been presented to him with his visa approval. He called Azzam's son, who arranged for his release. At the younger Azzam's home, he met Azzam Pasha, who gave Malcolm his suite at the Jeddah Palace Hotel. The next morning, Muhammad Faisal, the son of Prince Faisal, visited and informed Malcolm X that he was to be a state guest. The deputy chief of protocol accompanied Malcolm X to the Hajj Court, where he was allowed to make his pilgrimage.[113]

On April 19, Malcolm X completed the Hajj, making the seven circuits around the Kaaba, drinking from the Zamzam Well and running between the hills of Safah and Marwah seven times.[114] Malcolm X said the trip allowed him to see Muslims of different races interacting as equals. He came to believe that Islam could be the means by which racial problems could be overcome.[115]

Malcolm X visited Africa on three separate occasions, once in 1959 and twice in 1964. During his visits, he met officials, gave interviews to newspapers, and spoke on television and radio in Egypt, Ethiopia, Tanganyika (now Tanzania), Nigeria, Ghana, Guinea, Sudan, Senegal, Liberia, Algeria, and Morocco.[116] Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, and Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria invited Malcolm X to serve in their governments.[117]

In 1959, Malcolm X traveled to Egypt (then known as the United Arab Republic), Sudan, Nigeria, and Ghana to arrange a tour for Elijah Muhammad.[118] The first of the two trips Malcolm X made to Africa in 1964 lasted from April 13 until May 21, before and after his Hajj.[119] On May 8, following his speech at the University of Ibadan, Malcolm X was made an honorary member of the Nigerian Muslim Students' Association. During this reception the students bestowed upon him the name "Omowale", which means "the son who has come home" in the Yoruba language.[120] Malcolm X wrote in his autobiography that he "had never received a more treasured honor."[121]

On July 9, 1964, Malcolm X returned to Africa.[122] On July 17, he was welcomed to the second meeting of the Organization of African Unity in Cairo as a representative of the Organization of Afro-American Unity. By the time he returned to the United States on November 24, 1964, Malcolm had met with every prominent African leader and established an international connection between Africans on the continent and those in the diaspora.[117]

France and the United Kingdom

On November 23, 1964, on his way home from Africa, Malcolm X stopped in Paris, where he spoke at the Salle de la Mutualité.[123][124] A week later, on November 30, Malcolm X flew to the United Kingdom, where he participated in a debate at the Oxford Union on December 3. The topic of the debate was "Extremism in the Defense of Liberty is No Vice; Moderation in the Pursuit of Justice is No Virtue", and Malcolm X argued the affirmative. Interest in the debate was so high that it was televised nationally by the BBC.[125][126]

On February 5, 1965, Malcolm X went to Europe again.[127] On February 8, he spoke in London, before the first meeting of the Council of African Organizations.[128] Malcolm X tried to go to France on February 9 but he was refused entry.[129] On February 12, he visited Smethwick, near Birmingham, which had become a byword for racial division after the 1964 general election, when the Conservative Party won the parliamentary seat after rumors that their candidate's supporters had used the slogan "If you want a nigger for your neighbour, vote Labour."[130]

In the United States

After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X spoke before a wide variety of audiences in the United States. He spoke at regular meetings of Muslim Mosque, Inc., and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. He was one of the most sought-after speakers on college campuses,[131] and one of his top aides later wrote that he "welcomed every opportunity to speak to college students."[132] Malcolm X also spoke before political groups such as the Militant Labor Forum.[133]

Tensions increased between Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam. As early as February 1964, a member of Temple Number Seven was given orders by the Nation of Islam to wire explosives to Malcolm X's car.[134] On March 20, 1964, Life published a photograph of Malcolm X holding an M1 Carbine and peering out a window. The photo was intended to illustrate his determination to defend himself and his family against the death threats he was receiving.[135]

The Nation of Islam and its leaders began making threats against Malcolm X both in private and in public. On March 23, 1964, Elijah Muhammad told Boston minister Louis X (later known as Louis Farrakhan) that hypocrites like Malcolm should have "their heads cut off."[136] The April 10 edition of Muhammad Speaks featured a cartoon in which his severed head was shown bouncing.[137] On July 9, John Ali, a top aide to Muhammad, answered a question about Malcolm X by saying that "anyone who opposes the Honorable Elijah Muhammad puts their life in jeopardy."[138] The December 4 issue of Muhammad Speaks included an article by Louis X that railed against Malcolm X and said that "such a man as Malcolm is worthy of death."[139]

Some threats were made anonymously. During the month of June 1964, FBI surveillance recorded two such threats. On June 8, a man called Malcolm X's home and told Betty Shabazz to "tell him he's as good as dead."[140] On June 12, an FBI informant reported getting an anonymous telephone call from somebody who said "Malcolm X is going to be bumped off."[141]

In June 1964, the Nation of Islam sued to reclaim Malcolm X's residence in Queens, New York, which they claimed to own. The suit was successful, and Malcolm X was ordered to vacate.[142] On February 14, 1965, the night before a scheduled hearing to postpone the eviction date, the house burned to the ground. Malcolm X and his family survived. No one was charged with any crime.[143]

Death

Assassination

On February 21, 1965, in Manhattan's Audubon Ballroom, Malcolm X began to speak to a meeting of the Organization of Afro-American Unity when a disturbance broke out in the crowd of 400.[144] A man yelled, "Nigger! Get your hand outta my pocket!"[145][146] As Malcolm X and his bodyguards moved to quiet the disturbance,[147] a man rushed forward and shot him in the chest with a sawed-off shotgun.[148] Two other men charged the stage and fired handguns, hitting him 16 times.[146] Angry onlookers caught and beat one of the assassins as the others fled the ballroom.[149][150] Malcolm X was pronounced dead at 3:30 p.m., shortly after he arrived at Columbia Presbyterian Hospital.[144]

Talmadge Hayer, a Black Muslim also known as Thomas Hagan, was arrested on the scene.[150] Eyewitnesses identified two more suspects, Norman 3X Butler and Thomas 15X Johnson, also members of the Nation of Islam. All three were charged in the case.[151] At first Hayer denied involvement, but during the trial he confessed to having fired shots into Malcolm X's body. He testified that Butler and Johnson were not present and were not involved in the assassination, but he declined to name the men who had joined him in the shooting.[152] All three men were convicted.[153]

Butler, now known as Muhammad Abdul Aziz, was paroled in 1985. He became the head of the Nation of Islam's Harlem mosque in New York in 1998. He continues to maintain his innocence.[154] Johnson, now known as Khalil Islam, was released from prison in 1987. During his time in prison, he rejected the teachings of the Nation of Islam and converted to Sunni Islam. He, too, maintains his innocence.[155] Hayer, now known as Mujahid Halim, was paroled in 1993.[156]

Funeral

The number of mourners who came to the public viewing in Harlem's Unity Funeral Home from February 23 through February 26 was estimated to be between 14,000 and 30,000.[157] The funeral of Malcolm X was held on February 27 at the Faith Temple, Church of God in Christ, in Harlem. The Church was filled to capacity with more than 1,000 people.[158] Loudspeakers were set up outside the Temple so the overflow crowd could listen[159] and a local television station broadcast the funeral live.[160]

Among the civil rights leaders in attendance were John Lewis, Bayard Rustin, James Forman, James Farmer, Jesse Gray, and Andrew Young.[158][161] Actor and activist Ossie Davis delivered the eulogy, describing Malcolm X as "our shining black prince".

There are those who will consider it their duty, as friends of the Negro people, to tell us to revile him, to flee, even from the presence of his memory, to save ourselves by writing him out of the history of our turbulent times. Many will ask what Harlem finds to honor in this stormy, controversial and bold young captain—and we will smile. Many will say turn away—away from this man, for he is not a man but a demon, a monster, a subverter and an enemy of the black man—and we will smile. They will say that he is of hate—a fanatic, a racist—who can only bring evil to the cause for which you struggle! And we will answer and say to them: Did you ever talk to Brother Malcolm? Did you ever touch him, or have him smile at you? Did you ever really listen to him? Did he ever do a mean thing? Was he ever himself associated with violence or any public disturbance? For if you did you would know him. And if you knew him you would know why we must honor him.[162]
Malcolm X was buried at Ferncliff Cemetery in Hartsdale, New York.[160] At the gravesite after the ceremony, friends took the shovels away from the waiting gravediggers and completed the burial themselves.[163] Actor and activist Ruby Dee (wife of Ossie Davis) and Juanita Poitier (wife of Sidney Poitier) established the Committee of Concerned Mothers to raise funds to buy a house and pay educational expenses for Malcolm X's family.[164]

Responses to assassination

Reactions to Malcolm X's assassination were varied. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. sent a telegram to Betty Shabazz, expressing his sadness over "the shocking and tragic assassination of your husband."
While we did not always see eye to eye on methods to solve the race problem, I always had a deep affection for Malcolm and felt that he had a great ability to put his finger on the existence and the root of the problem. He was an eloquent spokesman for his point of view and no one can honestly doubt that Malcolm had a great concern for the problems we face as a race.[165]
Elijah Muhammad told the annual Savior's Day convention on February 26, "Malcolm X got just what he preached."[166] "We didn't want to kill Malcolm and didn't try to kill him," Muhammad said. "We know such ignorant, foolish teachings would bring him to his own end."[167]

The New York Times wrote that Malcolm X was "an extraordinary and twisted man" who "turn[ed] many true gifts to evil purpose" and that his life was "strangely and pitifully wasted".[7] The New York Post wrote that "even his sharpest critics recognized his brilliance—often wild, unpredictable and eccentric, but nevertheless possessing promise that must now remain unrealized."[168]

The international press, particularly that of Africa, was sympathetic. The Daily Times of Nigeria wrote that Malcolm X "will have a place in the palace of martyrs."[8] The Ghanaian Times likened him to John Brown and Patrice Lumumba among "a host of Africans and Americans who were martyred in freedom's cause".[169]

Guangming Daily, published in Beijing, stated that "Malcolm was murdered because he fought for freedom and equal rights."[170] In Cuba, El Mundo described the assassination as "another racist crime to eradicate by violence the struggle against discrimination".[9]

Allegations of conspiracy

Within days of the assassination, questions were raised about who bore ultimate responsibility. On February 23, James Farmer, the leader of the Congress of Racial Equality, announced at a news conference that local drug dealers, and not the Black Muslims, were to blame.[171] Others accused the New York Police Department, the FBI, or the CIA, citing the lack of police protection and the ease with which the assassins entered the Audubon Ballroom.[172]

In the 1970s, the public learned about COINTELPRO and other secret FBI programs directed towards infiltrating and disrupting civil rights organizations during the 1950s and 1960s.[173] John Ali, national secretary of the Nation of Islam, was identified as an FBI undercover agent.[174] Malcolm X had confided in a reporter that Ali exacerbated tensions between him and Elijah Muhammad. He considered Ali his "archenemy" within the Nation of Islam leadership.[174] On February 20, 1965, the night before the assassination, Ali met with Talmadge Hayer, one of the men convicted of killing Malcolm X.[175]

In 1977 and 1978, Talmadge Hayer submitted two sworn affidavits re-asserting his claim that Butler and Johnson were not involved in the assassination. In his affidavits Hayer named four men, all members of the Nation of Islam's Newark Temple Number 25, as having participated with him in the crime. Hayer asserted that a man, later identified as Wilbur McKinley, shouted and threw a smoke bomb to create a diversion. Hayer said that another man, later identified as William Bradley, had a shotgun and was the first to fire on Malcolm X after the diversion. Hayer asserted that he and a man later identified as Leon David, both armed with pistols, fired on Malcolm X immediately after the shotgun blast. Hayer also said that a fifth man, later identified as Benjamin Thomas, was involved in the conspiracy.[176][177] Hayer's statements failed to convince authorities to reopen their investigation of the murder.[178]

Some, including the Shabazz family, have accused Louis Farrakhan of being involved in the plot to assassinate Malcolm X.[179][180][181] In a 1993 speech, Louis Farrakhan seemed to boast of the assassination:

Was Malcolm your traitor or ours? And if we dealt with him like a nation deals with a traitor, what the hell business is it of yours? A nation has to be able to deal with traitors and cutthroats and turncoats.[182][183]
In a 60 Minutes interview that aired during May 2000, Farrakhan stated that some of the things he said may have led to the assassination of Malcolm X. "I may have been complicit in words that I spoke", he said. "I acknowledge that and regret that any word that I have said caused the loss of life of a human being."[184] A few days later Farrakhan denied that he "ordered the assassination" of Malcolm X, although he again acknowledged that he "created the atmosphere that ultimately led to Malcolm X's assassination."[185] No consensus on who was responsible has been reached.[186]

Philosophy

Except for his autobiography, Malcolm X left no writings. His philosophy is known almost entirely from the myriad speeches and interviews he gave between 1952 until his death in 1965.[187] Many of those speeches, especially from the last year of his life, were recorded and have been published.[188]

Beliefs of the Nation of Islam

Before he left the Nation of Islam in 1964, Malcolm X taught its beliefs in his speeches. His speeches were peppered with the phrase "The Honorable Elijah Muhammad teaches us that ...".[189] It is virtually impossible to discern whether Malcolm X's beliefs diverged from the teachings of the Nation of Islam.[190][191] Malcolm X once compared himself to a ventriloquist's dummy who could only say what Elijah Muhammad told him.[189]

Malcolm X taught that black people were the original people of the world,[64] and that white people were a race of devils who were created by an evil scientist named Yakub.[65] The Nation of Islam believed that black people were superior to white people, and that the demise of the white race was imminent.[66]

When he was questioned concerning his statements that white people were devils, Malcolm X said that "history proves the white man is a devil."[192] He enumerated some of the historical reasons that, he felt, supported his argument: "Anybody who rapes, and plunders, and enslaves, and steals, and drops hell bombs on people... anybody who does these things is nothing but a devil."[193]

Malcolm X said that Islam was the "true religion of black mankind" and that Christianity was "the white man's religion" that had been imposed upon African Americans by their slave-masters.[194] He said that the Nation of Islam followed Islam as it was practiced around the world, but the Nation's teachings varied from those of other Muslims because they were adapted to the "uniquely pitiful" condition of black people in America.[195] He taught that Wallace Fard Muhammad, the founder of the Nation, was Allah,[196] and that Elijah Muhammad was his Messenger, or prophet.[197]

While the civil rights movement fought against racial segregation, Malcolm X advocated the complete separation of African Americans from white people. The Nation of Islam proposed the establishment of a separate country for black people in the Southern United States[67] as an interim measure until African Americans could return to Africa.[68] Malcolm X also rejected the civil rights movement's strategy of nonviolence and instead advocated that black people use any necessary means of self-defense to protect themselves.[69]

Independent views

After he left the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X began to articulate his own views. During the final year of his life, his philosophy was flexible, and it is difficult to categorize his views on some subjects. Some of the themes to which Malcolm X frequently returned in his speeches demonstrate a relative consistency of thought.[198]

After leaving the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X announced his willingness to work with leaders of the civil rights movement.[99] However, he felt that the civil rights movement should change its focus to human rights. So long as the movement remained a fight for civil rights, its struggle remained a domestic issue. By framing the African American struggle for equal rights as a fight for human rights, it would become an international issue and the movement could bring its complaint before the United Nations. Malcolm X said the emerging nations of the world would add their support to the cause of African Americans.[199]

Malcolm X continued to hold the view that African Americans were right to defend themselves from aggressors, arguing that if the government was unwilling or unable to protect black people, they should protect themselves "by whatever means necessary".[200] He also continued to reject nonviolence as the only means for securing equality, declaring that he and the other members of the Organization of Afro-American Unity were determined to win freedom, justice, and equality "by any means necessary".[201]

Malcolm X stressed the global perspective he gained from his international travels. He emphasized the "direct connection" between the domestic struggle of African Americans for equal rights with the liberation struggles of Third World nations.[202] He said that African Americans were wrong when they thought of themselves as a minority; in a global context, black people were a majority, not a minority.[203]

Although he no longer called for the separation of black people from white people, Malcolm X continued to advocate black nationalism, which he defined as self-determination for the African-American community.[204] In the last months of his life, however, Malcolm X began to reconsider his support of black nationalism after meeting northern African revolutionaries who, to all appearances, were white.[205]

After his Hajj, Malcolm X articulated a view of white people and racism that represented a deep change from the philosophy he articulated as a minister of the Nation of Islam. In a famous letter from Mecca, he wrote that the white people he met during his pilgrimage forced him to "rearrange" his thinking about race and "toss aside some of [his] previous conclusions".[206]

In a 1965 conversation with Gordon Parks, two days before his assassination, Malcolm said:

[L]istening to leaders like Nasser, Ben Bella, and Nkrumah awakened me to the dangers of racism. I realized racism isn't just a black and white problem. It's brought bloodbaths to about every nation on earth at one time or another.
Brother, remember the time that white college girl came into the restaurant—the one who wanted to help the [Black] Muslims and the whites get together—and I told her there wasn't a ghost of a chance and she went away crying? Well, I've lived to regret that incident. In many parts of the African continent I saw white students helping black people. Something like this kills a lot of argument. I did many things as a [Black] Muslim that I'm sorry for now. I was a zombie then—like all [Black] Muslims—I was hypnotized, pointed in a certain direction and told to march. Well, I guess a man's entitled to make a fool of himself if he's ready to pay the cost. It cost me 12 years.
That was a bad scene, brother. The sickness and madness of those days—I'm glad to be free of them.[207]

Legacy

Malcolm X has been described as one of the greatest and most influential African Americans in history.[11][12][13] He is credited with raising the self-esteem of black Americans and reconnecting them with their African heritage.[208] He is responsible for the spread of Islam in the black community in the United States.[209]

Many African Americans, especially those who lived in cities in the Northern and Western United States, felt that Malcolm X articulated their complaints concerning inequality better than the mainstream civil rights movement did.[71] One biographer says that by giving expression to their frustration, Malcolm X "made clear the price that white America would have to pay if it did not accede to black America's legitimate demands."[210]

In the late 1960s, as black activists became more radical, Malcolm X and his teachings were part of the foundation on which they built their movements. The Black Power movement,[211] the Black Arts Movement,[212] and the widespread adoption of the slogan "Black is beautiful"[213] can all trace their roots to Malcolm X.

During the late 1980s and early 1990s, there was a resurgence of interest in Malcolm X among young people fueled, in part, by his use as an icon by hip hop groups such as Public Enemy.[214] Images of Malcolm X could be found on T-shirts and jackets.[215] This wave peaked in 1992 with the release of Malcolm X, a much-anticipated film adaptation of The Autobiography of Malcolm X.[216]

Portrayals in film and on stage

The 1992 film Malcolm X was directed by Spike Lee and based on The Autobiography of Malcolm X. It starred Denzel Washington, with Angela Bassett as Betty Shabazz and Al Freeman, Jr., as Elijah Muhammad.[217] Critic Roger Ebert and director Martin Scorsese both named the film one of the ten best of the 1990s.[218]

Washington had previously played the part of Malcolm X in the 1981 Off Broadway play When the Chickens Came Home to Roost.[219] Other actors who have portrayed Malcolm X include:

  • James Earl Jones, in the 1977 film The Greatest.[220]
  • Dick Anthony Williams, in the 1978 television miniseries King[221] and the 1989 American Playhouse production of the Jeff Stetson play The Meeting.[222]
  • Al Freeman, Jr., in the 1979 television miniseries Roots: The Next Generations.[223]
  • Morgan Freeman, in the 1981 television movie Death of a Prophet.[224]
  • Ben Holt, in the 1986 opera X (The Life and Times of Malcolm X).[225]
  • Gary Dourdan, in the 2000 television movie King of the World.[226]
  • Joe Morton, in the 2000 television movie Ali: An American Hero.[227]
  • Mario Van Peebles, in the 2001 film Ali.[228]

Memorials and tributes

The Malcolm X House Site, at 3448 Pinkney Street in North Omaha, Nebraska, marks the place where Malcolm Little first lived with his family. The house where the Little family lived was torn down in 1965 by owners who did not know of its connection with Malcolm X.[229] The site was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1984 and a historic marker identifies the site because of the importance of Malcolm X to American history and national culture.[230][231] In 1987 the site was added to the Nebraska register of historic sites and marked with a state plaque.[232] Malcolm X Boulevard in New York City

The city of Berkeley, California has recognized Malcolm X's birthday as a citywide holiday since 1979.[233]

There have been dozens of schools named after Malcolm X, including Malcolm X Shabazz High School in Newark, New Jersey,[234] Malcolm Shabazz City High School in Madison, Wisconsin,[235] and Malcolm X College in Chicago, Illinois.[236]

Many cities have renamed streets after Malcolm X. In New York City, Lenox Avenue was renamed Malcolm X Boulevard in the late 1980s.[237] The name of Reid Street in Brooklyn, New York, was changed to Malcolm X Boulevard in 1985.[238] In 1997, Oakland Avenue in Dallas, Texas, was renamed Malcolm X Boulevard.[239]

In 2005, Columbia University announced the opening of the Malcolm X and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Educational Center. The memorial is located in the Audubon Ballroom, where Malcolm X was assassinated.[240]

Published works

  • The Autobiography of Malcolm X. With the assistance of Alex Haley. New York: Grove Press, 1965. OCLC 219493184
  • By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews, and a Letter by Malcolm X. George Breitman, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970. OCLC 249307
  • The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. Benjamin Karim, ed. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971. OCLC 149849
  • February 1965: The Final Speeches. Steve Clark, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1992. ISBN 0873487494 OCLC 47632957
  • The Last Speeches. Bruce Perry, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1989. ISBN 0873485432 OCLC 123180752
  • Malcolm X on Afro-American History. New York: Merit Publishers, 1967. OCLC 78155009
  • Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. George Breitman, ed. New York: Merit Publishers, 1965. OCLC 256095445
  • Malcolm X Talks to Young People. New York: Young Socialist Alliance, 1965. OCLC 81990227
  • Malcolm X Talks to Young People: Speeches in the United States, Britain, and Africa. Steve Clark, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1991. ISBN 0873486315 OCLC 23096901
  • The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard. Archie Epps, ed. New York: Morrow, 1968. OCLC 185901618
  • Two Speeches by Malcolm X. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1965. OCLC 19464959

Notes

  • 1. This name includes the honorific El-Hajj, which is given to a Muslim who has completed the Hajj to Mecca. Malise Ruthven (1997). Islam: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 147. ISBN 978-0-19-285389-9.
  • 2. Baldwin, Lewis V.; Al-Hadid, Amiri YaSin. Between Cross and Crescent: Christian and Muslim Perspectives on Malcolm and Martin. Gainesville, Fla.: University Press of Florida. p. 135. ISBN 0-8130-2457-9.
  • 3. Dyson, pp. 13–14.
  • 4. Khan, Ali (1994). "Lessons from Malcolm X: Freedom by Any Means Necessary". Howard Law Journal 38: 80. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=938821. Retrieved August 2, 2009.
  • 5. Morris, Jerome E. (Summer 2001). "Malcolm X's Critique of the Education of Black People". The Western Journal of Black Studies 25 (2). http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_go2877/is_2_25/ai_n28889706/. Retrieved August 2, 2009.
  • 6. Cone, pp. 99–100, 251–252, 310–311.
  • 7. "Malcolm X". The New York Times. February 22, 1965. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20E13F63F5812738DDDAB0A94DA405B858AF1D3. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 8. Evanzz, p. 305.
  • 9. Rickford, p. 248.
  • 10. "The Black Supremacists". Time. August 10, 1959. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,811191-1,00.html. Retrieved July 28, 2009.
  • 11. Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amhert, N.Y.: Prometheus Books. p. 333. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.
  • 12. Marable, Manning; Nishani Frazier, John Campbell McMillian (2003). Freedom on My Mind: The Columbia Documentary History of the African American Experience. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 251. ISBN 0-231-10890-7.
  • 13. Salley, Columbus (1999). The Black 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential African-Americans, Past and Present. New York: Citadel Press. p. 88. ISBN 0-8065-2048-5.
  • 14. Perry, p. 2.
  • 15. Perry, p. 3.
  • 16. Natambu, p. 7.
  • 17. Malcolm X, Autobiography, pp. 3–4. There have been many editions of The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Page numbers cited in the notes refer to the One World trade paperback edition (1992).
  • 18. Natambu, p. 6.
  • 19. Perry, pp. 3–4.
  • 20. Perry, pp. 2–3.
  • 21. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 5.
  • 22. Malcolm X, Autobiography, pp. 7, 10–11.
  • 23. Perry, pp. 2, 4.
  • 24. Natambu, p. 1.
  • 25. Perry, p. 12.
  • 26. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 14.
  • 27. Natambu, p. 10.
  • 28. Perry, p. 24.
  • 29. Perry, pp. 33–34, 331.
  • 30. Perry, p. 42.
  • 31. Natambu, pp. 21–29.
  • 32. Perry, pp. 32–48.
  • 33. Natambu, pp. 30–31.
  • 34. Perry, pp. 58–81.
  • 35. Carson, p. 108.
  • 36. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 124.
  • 37. Helfer, p. 37.
  • 38. Perry, p. 99.
  • 39. Helfer, p. 40.
  • 40. Carson, p. 99.
  • 41. Perry, pp. 104–106.
  • 42. Natambu, p. 121.
  • 43. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 178; ellipsis in original.
  • 44. Perry, pp. 108–110.
  • 45. Perry, p. 118.
  • 46. Natambu, pp. 127–128.
  • 47. Natambu, p. 128.
  • 48. Perry, p. 113.
  • 49. Natambu, pp. 132–138.
  • 50. Perry, pp. 113–114.
  • 51. Natambu, pp. 138–139.
  • 52. Perry, p. 116.
  • 53. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 199.
  • 54. Perry, pp. 142, 144–145.
  • 55. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 229.
  • 56. Carson, p. 95.
  • 57. The Nation of Islam numbered its Temples according to the order in which they were established. Perry, pp. 141–142.
  • 58. Natambu, p. 168.
  • 59. Perry, p. 147.
  • 60. Perry, p. 152.
  • 61. Perry, p. 153.
  • 62. Perry, pp. 161–164.
  • 63. Perry, pp. 174–179.
  • 64. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 55.
  • 65. Perry, p. 115.
  • 66. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 57.
  • 67. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 149–152.
  • 68. Malcolm X, End of White World Supremacy, p. 78.
  • 69. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 173–174.
  • 70. Natambu, p. 182.
  • 71. Cone, pp. 99–100.
  • 72. Natambu, pp. 215–216.
  • 73. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 79–80.
  • 74. Perry, p. 203.
  • 75. King expressed mixed feelings toward Malcolm X. "He is very articulate, ... but I totally disagree with many of his political and philosophical views.... I don't want to seem to sound self-righteous, ... or that I think I have the only truth, the only way. Maybe he does have some of the answer.... I have often wished that he would talk less of violence, because violence is not going to solve our problem. And in his litany of articulating the despair of the Negro without offering any positive, creative alternative, I feel that Malcolm has done himself and our people a great disservice.... [U]rging Negroes to arm themselves and prepare to engage in violence, as he has done, can reap nothing but grief." Haley, Alex (January 1965). "The Playboy Interview: Martin Luther King". Playboy. http://www.playboy.com/arts-entertainment/features/mlk/index.html. Retrieved February 2, 2009.
  • 76. Cone, p. 113.
  • 77. "Timeline". Malcolm X: Make It Plain, American Experience. PBS. May 19, 2005. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/malcolmx/timeline/timeline2.html. Retrieved July 27, 2008.
  • 78. Cone, p. 91.
  • 79. Lomax. When the Word Is Given. pp. 15–16. "Estimates of the Black Muslim membership vary from a quarter of a million down to fifty thousand. Available evidence indicates that about one hundred thousand Negroes have joined the movement at one time or another, but few objective observers believe that the Black Muslims can muster more than twenty or twenty-five thousand active temple people."
  • 80. Clegg. p. 115. "The common response of Malcolm X to questions about numbers—'Those who know aren't saying, and those who say don't know'—was typical of the attitude of the leadership."
  • 81. Natambu, pp. 296–297.
  • 82. Ali, Muhammad (2004). The Soul of a Butterfly: Reflections on Life's Journey. with Hana Yasmeen Ali. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 61. ISBN 0-7432-5569-0.
  • 83. Rickford, pp. 73–74.
  • 84. Betty Shabazz, "Malcolm X as a Husband and Father", Clarke, pp. 132–134.
  • 85. Rickford, pp. 109–110.
  • 86. Rickford, p. 122.
  • 87. Rickford, p. 123.
  • 88. Rickford, p. 197.
  • 89. Rickford, p. 286.
  • 90. Natambu, pp. 230–232.
  • 91. Carson, pp. 197–199.
  • 92. Natambu, pp. 231–233.
  • 93. Perry, p. 214.
  • 94. Perry, p. 375.
  • 95. In 1964, Malcolm told Haley, "If I'm alive when this book comes out, it will be a miracle." Haley, "Epilogue", Autobiography, p. 471.
  • 96. "Malcolm X Scores U.S. and Kennedy". The New York Times. December 2, 1963. p. 21. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0812FE35541A7B93C0A91789D95F478685F9. Retrieved July 28, 2008.
  • 97. Natambu, pp. 288–290.
  • 98. Perry, p. 242.
  • 99. Handler, M. S. (March 9, 1964). "Malcolm X Splits with Muhammad". The New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F00D17FB395415738DDDA00894DB405B848AF1D3. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 100. Perry, pp. 230–234
  • 101. Perry, pp. 251–252.
  • 102. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 18–22.
  • 103. Perry, pp. 294–296.
  • 104. Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, pp. 33–67.
  • 105. McElrath, Jessica. "Martin Luther King & Malcolm X (Press conference)". African-American History: Civil Rights Movement. about.com. http://afroamhistory.about.com/od/civilrightsmovement/ig/Civil-Rights-Movement-Photos/MLK---Malcolm-X.--7g.htm. Retrieved July 28, 2008.
  • 106. Cone. p. 2. "There was no time for substantive discussions between the two. They were photographed greeting each other warmly, smiling and shaking hands."
  • 107. Perry. p. 255. "Camera shutters clicked. The next day, the Chicago Sun-Times, the New York World Telegram and Sun, and other dailies carried a picture of Malcolm and Martin shaking hands."
  • 108. Perry, pp. 257–259.
  • 109. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 23–44.
  • 110. Perry, p. 261.
  • 111. Perry, pp. 262–263.
  • 112. DeCaro, p. 204.
  • 113. Perry, pp. 263–265.
  • 114. Perry, pp. 265–266.
  • 115. Malcolm X, Autobiography, pp. 388–393.
  • 116. Natambu, pp. 304–305.
  • 117. Natambu, p. 308.
  • 118. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 62.
  • 119. Natambu, p. 303.
  • 120. Perry, p. 269.
  • 121. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 403.
  • 123. Carson, p. 305.
  • 124. Lebert Bethune, "Malcolm X in Europe", Clarke, pp. 226–231.
  • 125. Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, pp. 113–126.
  • 126. Bethune, "Malcolm X in Europe", Clarke, pp. 231–233.
  • 127. Malcolm X (December 3, 1964). "Malcolm X Oxford Debate". Malcolm X: A Research Site. http://www.brothermalcolm.net/2003/mx_oxford/index.html. Retrieved July 30, 2008.
  • 128. Carson, p. 349.
  • 129. Perry, p. 351.
  • 130. Natambu, p. 312.
  • 130. Kundnani, Arun (February 10, 2005). "Black British History: Remembering Malcolm's Visit to Smethwick". Independent Race and Refugee News Network. Institute of Race Relations. http://www.irr.org.uk/2005/february/ak000010.html. Retrieved July 30, 2008.
  • 131. Terrill, p. 9.
  • 132. Karim, p. 128.
  • 133. Perry, pp. 277–278.
  • 134. Karim, pp. 159–160.
  • 135. Crawford, Marc (March 20, 1964). "The Ominous Malcolm X Exits from the Muslims". Life.
  • 136. Kondo, p. 170.
  • 137. Majied, Eugene (April 10, 1964). "On My Own". Muhammad Speaks. Nation of Islam. http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ccbh/mxp/images/sourcebook_img_111.jpg. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 138. Evanzz, p. 248.
  • 139. Evanzz, p. 264.
  • 140. Carson, p. 473.
  • 141. Carson, p. 324.
  • 142. Perry, pp. 290–292.
  • 143. Perry, pp. 352–356.
  • 144. Kihss, Peter (February 22, 1965). "Malcolm X Shot to Death at Rally Here". The New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0A15F63F5812738DDDAB0A94DA405B858AF1D3. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 145. Karim, p. 191.
  • 146. Evanzz, p. 295.
  • 147. In his Epilogue to The Autobiography of Malcolm X, Alex Haley wrote that Malcolm said, "Hold it! Hold it! Don't get excited. Let's cool it brothers." (p. 499.) According to a transcription of a recording of the shooting, Malcolm's only words were, "Hold it!", which he repeated 10 times. (DeCaro, p. 274.)
  • 148. Perry, p. 366.
  • 149. Perry, pp. 366–367.
  • 150. Talese, Gay (February 22, 1965). "Police Save Suspect From the Crowd". The New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20E12F63F5812738DDDAB0A94DA405B858AF1D3. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 151. Kondo, p. 97.
  • 152. Kondo, p. 110.
  • 153. Rickford, p. 289.
  • 154. "Malcolm X Killer Heads Mosque". BBC News. March 31, 1998. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/71838.stm. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 155. Jacobson, Mark (October 1, 2007). "The Man Who Didn’t Shoot Malcolm X". New York. http://nymag.com/news/features/38358/. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 156. Rickford, p. 489
  • 157. Perry, p. 374. Alex Haley, in his Epilogue to The Autobiography of Malcolm X, says 22,000 (p. 519).
  • 158. Rickford, p. 252.
  • 159. DeCaro, p. 291.
  • 160. Arnold, Martin (February 28, 1965). "Harlem Is Quiet as Crowds Watch Malcolm X Rites". The New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F60615FD38591B7A93CAAB1789D85F418685F9. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 161. DeCaro, p. 290.
  • 162. Davis, Ossie (February 27, 1965). "Malcolm X's Eulogy". The Official Website of Malcolm X. http://www.cmgworldwide.com/historic/malcolm/about/eulogy.htm. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 163. Rickford, p. 255.
  • 164. Rickford, pp. 261–262.
  • 165. Martin Luther King, Jr., Telegram to Betty Shabazz, Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., February 26, 1965.
  • 166. Evanzz, p. 301.
  • 167. Clegg, p. 232.
  • 168. Rickford, p. 247.
  • 169. Kenworthy, E. W. (February 26, 1965). "Malcolm Called a Martyr Abroad". The New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20D15F73F5812738DDDAF0A94DA405B858AF1D3. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 170. Evanzz, p. 306.
  • 171. Perry, p. 371.
  • 172. Perry, p. 372.
  • 173. Kondo, pp. 7–39.
  • 174. Lomax, To Kill a Black Man, p. 198.
  • 175. Evanzz, p. 294.
  • 176. Bush, Roderick (1999). We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century. New York: New York University Press. p. 179. ISBN 0-8147-1317-3.
  • 177. Friedly, Michael (1992). Malcolm X: The Assassination. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-88184-922-7.
  • 178. Gardell, Mattias (1996). In the Name of Elijah Muhammad: Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam. Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press. p. 81. ISBN 0-8223-1845-8.
  • 179. Rickford, pp. 439, 492–495.
  • 180. Evanzz, pp. 298–299.
  • 181. Kondo, pp. 182–183, 193–194.
  • 182. Rickford, p. 492.
  • 183. Wartofsky, Alona (February 17, 1995). "'Brother Minister: The Martyrdom of Malcolm X'". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/movies/videos/brotherministerthemartyrdomofmalcolmx_c0098f.htm. Retrieved August 1, 2008.
  • 184. "Farrakhan Admission On Malcolm X". 60 Minutes. CBS News. May 14, 2000. http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2000/05/10/60minutes/main194051.shtml. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 185. "Farrakhan Responds to Media Attacks". The Final Call. May 15, 2000. http://www.finalcall.com/columns/mlf/2000/mlf-60minutes05-15-2000.html. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 186. Natambu, pp. 315–316.
  • 187. Kelley, Robin D. G. (1999). "Malcolm X". Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books. p. 1233.
  • 188. Terrill, pp. 15–16.
  • 189. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 80–81.
  • 190. Terrill, p. 184.
  • 191. Lomax. When the Word Is Given. p. 91. "'I'll be honest with you,' Malcolm X said to me. 'Everybody is talking about differences between the Messenger and me. It is absolutely impossible for us to differ.'"
  • 192. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 67.
  • 193. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 171.
  • 194. Lomax, When the Word Is Given, pp. 24, 137–138.
  • 195. Malcolm X, Speeches at Harvard, p. 119.
  • 196. DeCaro, pp. 166–167.
  • 197. Malcolm X told Lewis Lomax that "The Messenger is the Prophet of Allah" (Lomax, When the Word Is Given, p. 80). On another occasion, he said "We never refer to the Honorable Elijah Muhammad as a prophet" (Malcolm X, Last Speeches, p. 46).
  • 198. Terrill, pp. 109–110.
  • 199. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 33–35.
  • 200. Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, p. 43.
  • 201. Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary, p. 37.
  • 202. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, p. 90.
  • 203. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, p. 117.
  • 204. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 38–41.
  • 205. Malcolm X, Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 212–213.
  • 206. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 391.
  • 207. Gordon Parks, "Malcolm X: The Minutes of Our Last Meeting", Clarke, p. 122.
  • 208. Cone, pp. 291–292.
  • 209. Perry, p. 379.
  • 210. Perry, p. 380.
  • 211. Sales, p. 187
  • 212. Woodard, Komozi (1999). A Nation Within a Nation: Amiri Baraka (LeRoi Jones) & Black Power Politics. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press. p. 62. ISBN 0-8078-4761-5.
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  • 214. Sales, p. 5.
  • 215. Sales, p. 3.
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  • 217. "Malcolm X". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0104797/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 218. Anderson, Jeffrey M. "The Best Films of the 1990s". Combustible Celluloid. http://www.combustiblecelluloid.com/bestof90s.shtml. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 219. Rich, Frank (July 15, 1981). "The Stage: Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad". The New York Times. http://theater2.nytimes.com/mem/theater/treview.html?res=9D0CE5DA1F38F936A25754C0A967948260. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 220. "The Greatest". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0076111/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 221. "King". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0077038/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 222. Goodman, Walter (May 3, 1989). "An Imaginary Meeting of Dr. King and Malcolm X". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=950DEED91E31F930A35756C0A96F948260. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 223. "Roots: The Next Generations". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0078678/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 224. "Death of a Prophet". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0179757/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 225. Henahan, Donal (September 29, 1986). "Opera: Anthony Davis's 'X (The Life and Times of Malcolm X)'". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A0DE3DE1631F93AA1575AC0A960948260. Retrieved August 9, 2008.
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  • 227. "Ali: An American Hero". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0229973/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 228. "Ali". Internet Movie Database. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0248667/. Retrieved February 26, 2009.
  • 229. McMorris, Robert (March 11, 1989). "Empty Lot Holds Dreams for Rowena Moore". Omaha World-Herald. http://www.brothermalcolm.net/2002/omaha/jpeg/moore1.jpg. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 230. "National Register of Historic Places – Nebraska, Douglas County". National Register of Historic Places. http://www.nationalregisterofhistoricplaces.com/ne/Douglas/state2.html. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 231. "More Nebraska National Register Sites in Douglas County". Nebraska State Historical Society. http://www.nebraskahistory.org/histpres/nebraska/douglas2.htm. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 232. "Nebraska Historical Marker". Malcolm X: A Research Site. http://www.brothermalcolm.net/2002/omaha/jpeg/marker1.jpg. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  • 233. Thaai, Walker (May 20, 2005). "Berkeley Honors Controversial Civil Rights Figure". San Jose Mercury News. http://www.accessmylibrary.com/coms2/summary_0286-6597411_ITM. Retrieved August 28, 2009.
  • 234. Lee, Felicia R. (May 15, 1993). "Newark Students, Both Good and Bad, Make Do". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9F0CEFDC153CF936A25756C0A965958260. Retrieved August 8, 2008.
  • 235. Cotant, Pamela (February 25, 1991). "Shabazz School Gets Special Visit". The Capital Times. http://www.madison.com/archives/read.php?ref=/tct/1991/02/25/9102250463.php. Retrieved August 8, 2008.
  • 236. Witkowsky, Kathy (Spring 2000). "A Day in the Life". National CrossTalk. http://www.highereducation.org/crosstalk/ct0500/news0500-citycollege1.shtml. Retrieved August 8, 2008.
  • 237. Bodovitz, Sandra (July 20, 1987). "What's in a Street Rename? Disorder". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B0DE6DA1531F933A15754C0A961948260. Retrieved August 8, 2008.
  • 238. Rickford, p. 419.
  • 239. Scoville, Jen (December 1997). "The Big Beat". Texas Monthly. http://www.texasmonthly.com/ranch/bigbeat/beat.edec.97.php. Retrieved August 8, 2008.
  • 240. "Malcolm X and Dr. Betty Shabazz Memorial and Educational Center Launches". Columbia University. May 17, 2005. http://www.columbia.edu/cu/news/05/05/malcolm.html. Retrieved August 8, 2008.

References

  • Carson, Clayborne (1991). Malcolm X: The FBI File. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-88184-758-5.
  • Clarke, John Henrik, ed. (1990) [1969]. Malcolm X: The Man and His Times. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press. ISBN 0-86543-201-5.
  • Clegg III, Claude Andrew (1997). An Original Man: The Life and Times of Elijah Muhammad. New York: St. Martin's Griffin. ISBN 0-312-18153-1.
  • Cone, James H. (1991). Martin & Malcolm & America: A Dream or a Nightmare. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. ISBN 0-88344-721-5.
  • DeCaro, Jr., Louis A. (1996). On the Side of My People: A Religious Life of Malcolm X. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-1864-7.
  • Dyson, Michael Eric (1995). Making Malcolm: The Myth and Meaning of Malcolm X. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509235-X.
  • Evanzz, Karl (1992). The Judas Factor: The Plot to Kill Malcolm X. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press. ISBN 1-56025-049-6.
  • Helfer, Andrew; Randy DuBurke (2006). Malcolm X: A Graphic Biography. New York: Hill and Wang. ISBN 0-8090-9504-1.
  • Karim, Benjamin (1992). Remembering Malcolm. with Peter Skutches and David Gallen. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-88184-881-6.
  • Kondo, Zak A. (1993). Conspiracys: Unravelling the Assassination of Malcolm X. Washington, D.C.: Nubia Press. ISBN 0-9618815-1-13.
  • Lomax, Louis E. (1987) [1968]. To Kill a Black Man. Los Angeles: Holloway House. ISBN 0-87067-731-4.
  • Lomax, Louis E. (1963). When the Word Is Given. Cleveland: World Publishing. OCLC 1071204.
  • Malcolm X (1992) [1965]. The Autobiography of Malcolm X. with the assistance of Alex Haley. New York: One World. ISBN 0-345-37671-4.
  • Malcolm X (1989) [1970]. By Any Means Necessary: Speeches, Interviews, and a Letter by Malcolm X. George Breitman, ed. New York: Pathfinder Press. ISBN 0-87348-150-X.
  • Malcolm X (1989) [1971]. The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. Benjamin Karim, ed. New York: Arcade. ISBN 1-55970-006-8.
  • Malcolm X (1990) [1965]. Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements. George Breitman, ed. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. ISBN 0-8021-3213-8.
  • Malcolm X (1991) [1968]. The Speeches of Malcolm X at Harvard. Archie Epps, ed. New York: Paragon House. ISBN 1-55778-479-5.
  • Natambu, Kofi (2002). The Life and Work of Malcolm X. Indianapolis: Alpha Books. ISBN 0-02-864218-X.
  • Perry, Bruce (1991). Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America. Barrytown, N.Y.: Station Hill. ISBN 0-88268-103-6.
  • Rickford, Russell J. (2003). Betty Shabazz: A Remarkable Story of Survival and Faith Before and After Malcolm X. Naperville, Ill.: Sourcebooks. ISBN 1-4022-0171-0.
  • Sales, William W. (1994). From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Boston: South End Press. ISBN 0-89608-480-9.
  • Terrill, Robert (2004). Malcolm X: Inventing Radical Judgment. Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Press. ISBN 0-87013-730-1.

Further reading

  • Alkalimat, Abdul. Malcolm X for Beginners. New York: Writers and Readers, 1990.
  • Asante, Molefi K. Malcolm X as Cultural Hero: and Other Afrocentric Essays. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1993.
  • Baldwin, James. One Day, When I Was Lost: A Scenario Based On Alex Haley's "The Autobiography Of Malcolm X". New York: Dell, 1992.
  • Breitman, George. The Last Year of Malcolm X: The Evolution of a Revolutionary. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1967.
  • Breitman, George, and Herman Porter. The Assassination of Malcolm X. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1976.
  • Carew, Jan. Ghosts In Our Blood: With Malcolm X in Africa, England, and the Caribbean. Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1994.
  • Cleage, Albert B., and George Breitman. Myths About Malcolm X: Two Views. New York: Merit, 1968.
  • Collins, Rodney P. The Seventh Child. New York: Dafina; London: Turnaround, 2002.
  • Davis, Thulani. Malcolm X: The Great Photographs. New York: Stewart, Tabon and Chang, 1992.
  • DeCaro, Louis A. Malcolm and the Cross: The Nation of Islam, Malcolm X, and Christianity. New York: New York University, 1998.
  • Doctor, Bernard Aquina. Malcolm X for Beginners. New York: Writers and Readers, 1992.
  • Friedly, Michael. The Assassination of Malcolm X. New York: Carroll & Graf, 1992.
  • Gallen, David, ed. Malcolm A to Z: The Man and His Ideas. New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992.
  • Gallen, David, ed. Malcolm X: As They Knew Him. New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992.
  • Goldman, Peter. The Death and Life of Malcolm X. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979.
  • Jamal, Hakim A. From The Dead Level: Malcolm X and Me. New York: Random House, 1972.
  • Jenkins, Robert L. The Malcolm X Encyclopedia. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2002.
  • Kly, Yussuf Naim, ed. The Black Book: The True Political Philosophy of Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik El Shabazz). Atlanta: Clarity Press, 1986.
  • Leader, Edward Roland. Understanding Malcolm X: The Controversial Changes in His Political Philosophy. New York: Vantage Press, 1993.
  • Lee, Spike with Ralph Wiley. By Any Means Necessary: The Trials and Tribulations of The Making Of Malcolm X. New York, N.Y.: Hyperion, 1992.
  • Lincoln, C. Eric. The Black Muslims in America. Boston, Beacon. 1961.
  • Maglangbayan, Shawna. Garvey, Lumumba, and Malcolm: National-Separatists. Chicago, Third World Press 1972.
  • Marable, Manning. On Malcolm X: His Message & Meaning. Westfield, N.J.: Open Media, 1992.
  • Myers, Walter Dean. Malcolm X By Any Means Necessary. New York: Scholastic, 1993.
  • Shabazz, Ilyasah. Growing Up X. New York: One World, 2002.
  • Strickland, William, et al.. Malcolm X: Make It Plain. Penguin Books, 1994.
  • T'Shaka, Oba. The Political Legacy of Malcolm X. Richmond, California: Pan Afrikan Publications, 1983.
  • Wolfenstein, Eugene Victor. The Victims of Democracy: Malcolm X and the Black Revolution. London: Free Association Books, 1989.
  • Wood, Joe, ed. Malcolm X: In Our Own Image. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992.
Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929–April 4, 1968), was an American clergyman, activist and prominent leader in the African-American civil rights movement. His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States and he is frequently referenced as a human rights icon today. King is recognized as a martyr by two Christian churches. [1] A Baptist minister,[2] King became a civil rights activist early in his career. He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president. King's efforts led to the 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech. There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S. history.In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means. By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and opposing the Vietnam War, both from a religious perspective. King was assassinated on April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee. He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004; Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a U.S. national holiday in 1986.

Early life

Martin Luther King, Jr., was born on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia. He was the son of the Reverend Martin Luther King, Sr. and Alberta Williams King.[3] King's father was born "Michael King," and Martin Luther King, Jr., was originally named "Michael King, Jr.," until the family traveled to Europe in 1934 and visited Germany. His father soon changed both of their names to Martin in honor of the German Protestant leader Martin Luther.[4] He had an older sister, Willie Christine King, and a younger brother Alfred Daniel Williams King.[5] King sang with his church choir at the 1939 Atlanta premiere of the movie Gone with the Wind.[6]

Growing up in Atlanta, King attended Booker T. Washington High School. He skipped ninth and twelfth grade, and entered Morehouse College at age fifteen without formally graduating from high school.[7] In 1948, he graduated from Morehouse with a Bachelor of Arts degree in sociology,[8] and enrolled in Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania, from which he graduated with a Bachelor of Divinity degree in 1951.[9] King then began doctoral studies in systematic theology at Boston University and received his Doctor of Philosophy on June 5, 1955. A 1980s inquiry concluded portions of his dissertation had been plagiarized and he had acted improperly but that his dissertation still "makes an intelligent contribution to scholarship."[10][11]

King married Coretta Scott, on June 18, 1953, on the lawn of her parents' house in her hometown of Heiberger, Alabama.[12] King and Scott had four children; Yolanda King, Martin Luther King III, Dexter Scott King, and Bernice King.[13] King became pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama when he was twenty-five years old in 1954.[14]

Influences

Populist tradition and Black populism

Harry C. Boyte, a self-proclaimed populist, field secretary of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and white civil rights activist describes an episode in his life that gives insight on some of King's influences:
My first encounter with deeper meanings of populism came when I was nineteen, working as a field secretary for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in St. Augustine, Florida in 1964. One day I was caught by five men and a woman who were members of the Klu Klux Klan. They accused me of being a "communist and a Yankee." I replied, "I'm no Yankee – my family has been in the South since before the Revolution. And I'm not a communist. I'm a populist. I believe that blacks and poor whites should join to do something about the big shots who keep us divided." For a few minutes we talked about what such a movement might look like. Then they let me go.

When he learned of the incident, Martin Luther King, head of SCLC, told me that he identified with the populist tradition and assigned to organize poor whites.[15]

Thurman

Civil rights leader, theologian, and educator Howard Thurman was an early influence on King. A classmate of King's father at Morehouse College, [16] Thurman mentored the young King and his friends.[17] Thurman's missionary work had taken him abroad where he had met and conferred with Mahatma Gandhi.[18] When he was a student at Boston University, King often visited Thurman, who was the dean of Marsh Chapel.[19] Walter Fluker, who has studied Thurman's writings, has stated, "I don't believe you'd get a Martin Luther King, Jr. without a Howard Thurman".[20]

Gandhi and Rustin

Inspired by Gandhi's success with non-violent activism, King visited the Gandhi family in India in 1959, with assistance from the Quaker group the American Friends Service Committee.[21] The trip to India affected King in a profound way, deepening his understanding of non-violent resistance and his commitment to America's struggle for civil rights. In a radio address made during his final evening in India, King reflected, "Since being in India, I am more convinced than ever before that the method of nonviolent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity. In a real sense, Mahatma Gandhi embodied in his life certain universal principles that are inherent in the moral structure of the universe, and these principles are as inescapable as the law of gravitation."[22] African American civil rights activist Bayard Rustin, who had studied Gandhi's teachings,[23] counseled King to dedicate himself to the principles of non-violence,[24] served as King's main advisor and mentor throughout his early activism,[25] and was the main organizer of the 1963 March on Washington.[26] Rustin's open homosexuality, support of democratic socialism, and his former ties to the Communist Party USA caused many white and African-American leaders to demand King distance himself from Rustin.[27]

Throughout his career of service, King wrote and spoke frequently, drawing on his experience as a preacher. His "Letter from Birmingham Jail", written in 1963, is a "passionate" statement of his crusade for justice.[28] On October 14, 1964, King became the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, which was awarded to him for leading non-violent resistance to end racial prejudice in the United States.[29]

Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955

In March 1955, a fifteen-year-old school girl, Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her bus seat to a white man in compliance with the Jim Crow laws. King was on the committee from the Birmingham African-American community that looked into the case; Edgar Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue.[30] On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat.[31] The Montgomery Bus Boycott, urged and planned by Nixon and led by King, soon followed.[32] The boycott lasted for 385 days,[33] and the situation became so tense that King's house was bombed.[34] King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States District Court ruling in Browder v. Gayle that ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.[35]

Southern Christian Leadership Conference

In 1957, King, Ralph Abernathy, and other civil rights activists founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The group was created to harness the moral authority and organizing power of black churches to conduct non-violent protests in the service of civil rights reform. King led the SCLC until his death.[36] In 1958, while signing copies of his book Strive Toward Freedom in a Harlem department store, he was stabbed in the chest by Izola Curry, a deranged black woman with a letter opener, and narrowly escaped death.[37]

Gandhi's nonviolent techniques were useful to King's campaign to correct the civil rights laws implemented in Alabama.[38] King applied non-violent philosophy to the protests organized by the SCLC. In 1959, he wrote The Measure of A Man, from which the piece What is Man?, an attempt to sketch the optimal political, social, and economic structure of society, is derived.[39] His SCLC secretary and personal assistant in this period was Dora McDonald.

The FBI, under written directive from then Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, began telephone tapping King in 1963.[40] J. Edgar Hoover feared Communists were trying to infiltrate the Civil Rights Movement, but when no such evidence emerged, the bureau used the incidental details caught on tape over the next five years in attempts to force King out of the preeminent leadership position.[41]

King believed that organized, nonviolent protest against the system of southern segregation known as Jim Crow laws would lead to extensive media coverage of the struggle for black equality and voting rights. Journalistic accounts and televised footage of the daily deprivation and indignities suffered by southern blacks, and of segregationist violence and harassment of civil rights workers and marchers, produced a wave of sympathetic public opinion that convinced the majority of Americans that the Civil Rights Movement was the most important issue in American politics in the early 1960s.[42]

King organized and led marches for blacks' right to vote, desegregation, labor rights and other basic civil rights.[43] Most of these rights were successfully enacted into the law of the United States with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the 1965 Voting Rights Act.[44]

King and the SCLC applied the principles of nonviolent protest with great success by strategically choosing the method of protest and the places in which protests were carried out. There were often dramatic stand-offs with segregationist authorities. Sometimes these confrontations turned violent.[45]

Albany movement

The Albany Movement was a desegregation coalition formed in Albany, Georgia in November, 1961. In December King and the SCLC became involved. The movement mobilized thousands of citizens for a broad-front nonviolent attack on every aspect of segregation within the city and attracted nationwide attention. When King first visited on December 15, 1961, he "had planned to stay a day or so and return home after giving counsel."[46] But the following day he was swept up in a mass arrest of peaceful demonstrators, and he declined bail until the city made concessions. "Those agreements", said King, "were dishonored and violated by the city," as soon as he left town.[47] King returned in July 1962, and was sentenced to forty-five days in jail or a $178 fine. He chose jail. Three days into his sentence, Chief Pritchett discreetly arranged for King's fine to be paid and ordered his release. "We had witnessed persons being kicked off lunch counter stools ... ejected from churches ... and thrown into jail ... But for the first time, we witnessed being kicked out of jail."[46]

After nearly a year of intense activism with few tangible results, the movement began to deteriorate. King requested a halt to all demonstrations and a "Day of Penance" to promote non-violence and maintain the moral high ground. Divisions within the black community and the canny, low-key response by local government defeated efforts.[47] However, it was credited as a key lesson in tactics for the national civil rights movement.[48]

Birmingham campaign

The Birmingham campaign was a strategic effort by the SCLC to promote civil rights for African Americans. Many of its tactics of "Project C" were developed by Rev. Wyatt Tee Walker, Executive Director of SCLC from 1960-1964. Based on actions in Birmingham, Alabama, its goal was to end the city's segregated civil and discriminatory economic policies. The campaign lasted for more than two months in the spring of 1963. To provoke the police into filling the city's jails to overflowing, King and black citizens of Birmingham employed nonviolent tactics to flout laws they considered unfair. King summarized the philosophy of the Birmingham campaign when he said, "The purpose of ... direct action is to create a situation so crisis-packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation".[49]

Protests in Birmingham began with a boycott to pressure businesses to sales jobs and other employment to people of all races, as well as to end segregated facilities in the stores. When business leaders resisted the boycott, King and the SCLC began what they termed Project C, a series of sit-ins and marches intended to provoke arrest. After the campaign ran low on adult volunteers, it recruited children for what became known as the "Children's Crusade". During the protests, the Birmingham Police Department, led by Eugene "Bull" Connor, used high-pressure water jets and police dogs to control protesters, including children. Not all of the demonstrators were peaceful, despite the avowed intentions of the SCLC. In some cases, bystanders attacked the police, who responded with force. King and the SCLC were criticized for putting children in harm's way. By the end of the campaign, King's reputation improved immensely, Connor lost his job, the "Jim Crow" signs in Birmingham came down, and public places became more open to blacks.[50]

Augustine and Selma

King and SCLC were also driving forces behind the protest in St. Augustine, Florida, in 1964.[51] The movement engaged in nightly marches in the city met by white segregationists who violently assaulted them. Hundreds of the marchers were arrested and jailed.

King and the SCLC joined forces with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Selma, Alabama, in December 1964, where SNCC had been working on voter registration for several months.[52] A sweeping injunction issued by a local judge barred any gathering of 3 or more people under sponsorship of SNCC, SCLC, or DCVL, or with the involvement of 41 named civil rights leaders. This injunction temporarily halted civil rights activity until King defied it by speaking at Brown Chapel on January 2 1965.[53]

March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom

March on Washington, 1963

King, representing SCLC, was among the leaders of the so-called "Big Six" civil rights organizations who were instrumental in the organization of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963. The other leaders and organizations comprising the Big Six were: Roy Wilkins from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Whitney Young, National Urban League; A. Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; John Lewis, SNCC; and James L. Farmer, Jr. of the Congress of Racial Equality.[54] The primary logistical and strategic organizer was King's colleague Bayard Rustin.[55] For King, this role was another which courted controversy, since he was one of the key figures who acceded to the wishes of President John F. Kennedy in changing the focus of the march.[56] Kennedy initially opposed the march outright, because he was concerned it would negatively impact the drive for passage of civil rights legislation, but the organizers were firm that the march would proceed.[57]

The march originally was conceived as an event to dramatize the desperate condition of blacks in the southern United States and a very public opportunity to place organizers' concerns and grievances squarely before the seat of power in the nation's capital. Organizers intended to excoriate and then challenge the federal government for its failure to safeguard the civil rights and physical safety of civil rights workers and blacks, generally, in the South. However, the group acquiesced to presidential pressure and influence, and the event ultimately took on a far less strident tone.[58] As a result, some civil rights activists felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized pageant of racial harmony; Malcolm X called it the "Farce on Washington," and members of the Nation of Islam were not permitted to attend the march.[59][59]

The march did, however, make specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public school; meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment; protection of civil rights workers from police brutality; a $2 minimum wage for all workers; and self-government for Washington, D.C., then governed by congressional committee.[60] Despite tensions, the march was a resounding success. More than a quarter million people of diverse ethnicities attended the event, sprawling from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial onto the National Mall and around the reflecting pool. At the time, it was the largest gathering of protesters in Washington's history.[61] King's "I Have a Dream" speech electrified the crowd. It is regarded, along with Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and Franklin D. Roosevelt's Infamy Speech, as one of the finest speeches in the history of American oratory.[62]

Stance on compensation

Martin Luther King Jr. expressed a view that black Americans, as well as other disadvantaged Americans, should be compensated for historical wrongs. In an interview conducted for Playboy in 1965, he said that granting black Americans only equality could not realistically close the economic gap between them and whites. King said that he did not seek a full restitution of wages lost to slavery, which he believed impossible, but proposed a government compensatory program of US$50 billion over ten years to all disadvantaged groups. He posited that "the money spent would be more than amply justified by the benefits that would accrue to the nation through a spectacular decline in school dropouts, family breakups, crime rates, illegitimacy, swollen relief rolls, rioting and other social evils".[63] He presented this idea as an application of the common law regarding settlement of unpaid labor but clarified that he felt that the money should not be spent exclusively on blacks. He stated, "It should benefit the disadvantaged of all races".[64]

"Bloody Sunday", 1965

King and SCLC, in partial collaboration with SNCC, attempted to organize a march from Selma to the state capital of Montgomery, for March 7, 1965. The first attempt to march on March 7 was aborted because of mob and police violence against the demonstrators. This day has since become known as Bloody Sunday. Bloody Sunday was a major turning point in the effort to gain public support for the Civil Rights Movement, the clearest demonstration up to that time of the dramatic potential of King's nonviolence strategy. King, however, was not present. After meeting with President Lyndon B. Johnson, he decided not to endorse the march, but it was carried out against his wishes and without his presence on March 7 by local civil rights leaders. Footage of police brutality against the protesters was broadcast extensively and aroused national public outrage.[65]

King next attempted to organize a march for March 9. The SCLC petitioned for an injunction in federal court against the State of Alabama; this was denied and the judge issued an order blocking the march until after a hearing. Nonetheless, King led marchers on March 9 to the Edmund Pettus bridge, then held a short prayer session before turning the marchers around and asking them to disperse so as not to violate the court order. The unexpected ending of this second march aroused the surprise and anger of many within the local movement.[66] The march finally went ahead fully on March 25.[67] At the conclusion of the march and on the steps of the state capitol, King delivered a speech that has become known as "How Long, Not Long".[68]

Chicago, 1966

In 1966, after several successes in the South, King and others in the civil rights organizations tried to spread the movement to the North, with Chicago as its first destination. King and Ralph Abernathy, both from the middle classes, moved into the slums of North Lawndale[69] on the west side of Chicago as an educational experience and to demonstrate their support and empathy for the poor.[70]

The SCLC formed a coalition with CCCO, Coordinating Council of Community Organizations, an organization founded by Albert Raby, and the combined organizations' efforts were fostered under the aegis of The Chicago Freedom Movement.[71] During that spring, several dual white couple/black couple tests on real estate offices uncovered the practice (now banned in the U.S.) of racial steering. These tests revealed the racially selective processing of housing requests by couples who were exact matches in income, background, number of children, and other attributes, with the only difference being their race.[72]

The needs of the movement for radical change grew, and several larger marches were planned and executed, including those in the following neighborhoods: Bogan, Belmont Cragin, Jefferson Park, Evergreen Park (a suburb southwest of Chicago), Gage Park and Marquette Park, among others.[73]

In Chicago, Abernathy later wrote that they received a worse reception than they had in the South. Their marches were met by thrown bottles and screaming throngs, and they were truly afraid of starting a riot.[74] King's beliefs mitigated against his staging a violent event, and he negotiated an agreement with Mayor Richard J. Daley to cancel a march in order to avoid the violence that he feared would result from the demonstration.[75] King, who received death threats throughout his involvement in the civil rights movement, was hit by a brick during one march but continued to lead marches in the face of personal danger.[76]

When King and his allies returned to the south, they left Jesse Jackson, a seminary student who had previously joined the movement in the South, in charge of their organization.[77] Jackson continued their struggle for civil rights by organizing the Operation Breadbasket movement that targeted chain stores that did not deal fairly with blacks.[78]

Opposition to the Vietnam War

Starting in 1965, King began to express doubts about the United States' role in the Vietnam War. In an April 4, 1967 appearance at the New York City Riverside Church—exactly one year before his death—King delivered a speech titled "Beyond Vietnam".[79] In the speech, he spoke strongly against the U.S.'s role in the war, insisting that the U.S. was in Vietnam "to occupy it as an American colony"[80] and calling the U.S. government "the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today".[81] He also argued that the country needed larger and broader moral changes:
A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say: "This is not just."[82]
King also was opposed to the Vietnam War on the grounds that the war took money and resources that could have been spent on social welfare services like the War on Poverty. The United States Congress was spending more and more on the military and less and less on anti-poverty programs at the same time. He summed up this aspect by saying, "A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death".[83]

Many white southern segregationists vilified King; moreover, this speech soured his relationship with many members of the mainstream media. Life magazine called the speech "demagogic slander that sounded like a script for Radio Hanoi",[79] and The Washington Post declared that King had "diminished his usefulness to his cause, his country, his people."[83]

King stated that North Vietnam "did not begin to send in any large number of supplies or men until American forces had arrived in the tens of thousands".[84] King also criticized the United States' resistance to North Vietnam's land reforms.[85] He accused the United States of having killed a million Vietnamese, "mostly children."[86]

The speech was a reflection of King's evolving political advocacy in his later years, which paralleled the teachings of the progressive Highlander Research and Education Center, with whom King was affiliated.[87] King began to speak of the need for fundamental changes in the political and economic life of the nation. Toward the end of his life, King more frequently expressed his opposition to the war and his desire to see a redistribution of resources to correct racial and economic injustice.[88] Though his public language was guarded, so as to avoid being linked to communism by his political enemies, in private he sometimes spoke of his support for democratic socialism. In one speech, he stated that "something is wrong with capitalism" and claimed, "There must be a better distribution of wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism."[89]

King had read Marx while at Morehouse, but while he rejected "traditional capitalism," he also rejected Communism because of its "materialistic interpretation of history" that denied religion, its "ethical relativism," and its "political totalitarianism."[90]

King also stated in his "Beyond Vietnam" speech that "true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar....it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring".[91] King quoted a United States official, who said that, from Vietnam to South America to Latin America, the country was "on the wrong side of a world revolution"[91] King condemned America's "alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America," and said that the United States should support "the shirtless and barefoot people" in the Third World rather than suppressing their attempts at revolution.[92]

King spoke at an Anti-Vietnam demonstration where he also brought up issues of civil rights and the draft.

"I have not urged a mechanical fusion of the civil rights and peace movements. There are people who have come to see the moral imperative of equality, but who cannot yet see the moral imperative of world brotherhood. I would like to see the fervor of the civil-rights movement imbued into the peace movement to instill it with greater strength. And I believe everyone has a duty to be in both the civil-rights and peace movements. But for those who presently choose but one, I would hope they will finally come to see the moral roots common to both."[93]

Poor People's Campaign, 1968

In 1968, King and the SCLC organized the "Poor People's Campaign" to address issues of economic justice. The campaign culminated in a march on Washington, D.C. demanding economic aid to the poorest communities of the United States. King traveled the country to assemble "a multiracial army of the poor" that would march on Washington to engage in nonviolent civil disobedience at the Capitol until Congress created a bill of rights for poor Americans.[94] [95]

However, the campaign was not unanimously supported by other leaders of the Civil Rights Movement. Rustin resigned from the march stating that the goals of the campaign were too broad, the demands unrealizable, and thought these campaigns would accelerate the backlash and repression on the poor and the black.[96] Throughout his participation in the civil rights movement, King was criticized by many groups. This included opposition by more militant blacks and such prominent critics as Nation of Islam member Malcolm X.[97] Stokely Carmichael was a separatist and disagreed with King's plea for racial integration because he considered it an insult to a uniquely African-American culture.[98] Omali Yeshitela urged Africans to remember the history of violent European colonization and how power was not secured by Europeans through integration, but by violence and force.[99]

King and the SCLC called on the government to invest in rebuilding America's cities. He felt that Congress had shown "hostility to the poor" by spending "military funds with alacrity and generosity". He contrasted this with the situation faced by poor Americans, claiming that Congress had merely provided "poverty funds with miserliness".[95] His vision was for change that was more revolutionary than mere reform: he cited systematic flaws of "racism, poverty, militarism and materialism", and argued that "reconstruction of society itself is the real issue to be faced".[100]

Assassination

On March 29, 1968, King went to Memphis, Tennessee in support of the black sanitary public works employees, represented by AFSCME Local 1733, who had been on strike since March 12 for higher wages and better treatment. In one incident, black street repairmen received pay for two hours when they were sent home because of bad weather, but white employees were paid for the full day.[101][102]

On April 3, King addressed a rally and delivered his "I've Been to the Mountaintop" address at Mason Temple, the World Headquarters of the Church of God in Christ. King's flight to Memphis had been delayed by a bomb threat against his plane.[103] In the close of the last speech of his career, in reference to the bomb threat, King said the following:

And then I got to Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers? Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it doesn't matter with me now. Because I've been to the mountaintop. And I don't mind. Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land. And I'm happy, tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing any man. Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord.[104]
King was booked in room 306 at the Lorraine Motel, owned by Walter Bailey, in Memphis. The Reverend Ralph Abernathy, King's close friend and colleague who was present at the assassination, swore under oath to the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations that King and his entourage stayed at room 306 at the Lorraine Motel so often it was known as the 'King-Abernathy suite.'[105] King was shot at 6:01 p.m. April 4, 1968 while he was standing on the motel's second floor balcony. The bullet entered through his right cheek smashing his jaw and then traveled down his spinal cord before lodging in his shoulder.[106] According to Jesse Jackson, who was present, King's last words on the balcony were to musician Ben Branch, who was scheduled to perform that night at an event King was attending: "Ben, make sure you play "Take My Hand, Precious Lord" in the meeting tonight. Play it real pretty."[107] Abernathy heard the shot from inside the motel room and ran to the balcony to find King on the floor.[108] The events following the shooting have been disputed, as some people have accused Jackson of exaggerating his response.[109]

After emergency surgery, King was pronounced dead at St. Joseph's Hospital at 7:05 p.m.[110] According to biographer Taylor Branch, King's autopsy revealed that though only thirty-nine years old, he had the heart of a sixty-year-old, perhaps a result of the stress of thirteen years in the civil rights movement.[111]

The assassination led to a nationwide wave of riots in more than 100 cities.[112] Presidential nominee Robert Kennedy was on his way to Indianapolis for a campaign rally when he was informed of King's death. He gave a short yet empowering speech to the gathering of supporters informing them of the tragedy and asking them to continue King's idea of non-violence.[113] President Lyndon B. Johnson declared April 7 a national day of mourning for the civil rights leader.[114] Vice-President Hubert Humphrey attended King's funeral on behalf of Lyndon B. Johnson, as there were fears that Johnson's presence might incite protests and perhaps violence.[115] At his widow's request, King's last sermon at Ebenezer Baptist Church was played at the funeral.[116] It was a recording of his "Drum Major" sermon, given on February 4, 1968. In that sermon, King made a request that at his funeral no mention of his awards and honors be made, but that it be said that he tried to "feed the hungry", "clothe the naked", "be right on the [Vietnam] war question", and "love and serve humanity".[116] His good friend Mahalia Jackson sang his favorite hymn, "Take My hand, Precious Lord", at the funeral.[118] The city of Memphis quickly settled the strike on terms favorable to the sanitation workers.[119][120]

Two months after King's death, escaped convict James Earl Ray was captured at London Heathrow Airport while trying to leave the United Kingdom on a false Canadian passport in the name of Ramon George Sneyd.[121] Ray was quickly extradited to Tennessee and charged with King's murder. He confessed to the assassination on March 10, 1969, though he recanted this confession three days later.[122] On the advice of his attorney Percy Foreman, Ray pleaded guilty to avoid a trial conviction and thus the possibility of receiving the death penalty. Ray was sentenced to a 99-year prison term.[122][123] Ray fired Foreman as his attorney, from then on derisively calling him "Percy Fourflusher".[124] He claimed a man he met in Montreal, Quebec with the alias "Raoul" was involved and that the assassination was the result of a conspiracy.[125][126] He spent the remainder of his life attempting (unsuccessfully) to withdraw his guilty plea and secure the trial he never had.[127] On June 10, 1977, shortly after Ray had testified to the House Select Committee on Assassinations that he did not shoot King, he and six other convicts escaped from Brushy Mountain State Penitentiary in Petros, Tennessee. They were recaptured on June 13 and returned to prison.[127]

Allegations of conspiracy

Ray's lawyers maintained he was a scapegoat similar to the way that alleged John F. Kennedy assassin Lee Harvey Oswald is seen by conspiracy theorists.[128] One of the claims used to support this assertion is that Ray's confession was given under pressure, and he had been threatened with the death penalty.[123][129] Ray was a thief and burglar, but he had no record of committing violent crimes with a weapon.[126]

Those suspecting a conspiracy in the assassination point out the two separate ballistics tests conducted on the Remington Gamemaster recovered by police had neither conclusively proved Ray had been the killer nor that it had even been the murder weapon.[123][130] Moreover, witnesses surrounding King at the moment of his death say the shot came from another location, from behind thick shrubbery near the rooming house - which had been inexplicably cut away in the days following the assassination - and not from the rooming house window.[131]

Developments

In 1997, King's son Dexter Scott King met with Ray, and publicly supported Ray's efforts to obtain a new trial.[132] Two years later, Coretta Scott King, King's widow, along with the rest of King's family, won a wrongful death claim against Loyd Jowers and "other unknown co-conspirators". Jowers claimed to have received $100,000 to arrange King's assassination. The jury of six whites and six blacks found Jowers guilty and that government agencies were party to the assassination.[133] William F. Pepper represented the King family in the trial.[134] King biographer David Garrow disagrees with William F. Pepper's claims that the government killed King.[135] He is supported by author Gerald Posner who has researched and written about the assassination.[136

In 2000, the United States Department of Justice completed the investigation about Jowers' claims but did not find evidence to support allegations about conspiracy. The investigation report recommended no further investigation unless some new reliable facts are presented.[137] The New York Times reported a church minister, Rev. Ronald Denton Wilson, claimed his father, Henry Clay Wilson — not James Earl Ray — assassinated Martin Luther King, Jr. He stated, "It wasn't a racist thing; he thought Martin Luther King was connected with communism, and he wanted to get him out of the way."[138]

King's friend and colleague, James Bevel, disputed the argument that Ray acted alone, stating, "There is no way a ten-cent white boy could develop a plan to kill a million-dollar black man."[139] In 2004, Jesse Jackson, who was with King at the time of his death, noted:

The fact is there were saboteurs to disrupt the march. And within our own organization, we found a very key person who was on the government payroll. So infiltration within, saboteurs from without and the press attacks. …I will never believe that James Earl Ray had the motive, the money and the mobility to have done it himself. Our government was very involved in setting the stage for and I think the escape route for James Earl Ray.[140]

Riots

After King's assassination riots broke out in Chicago, Boston, Detroit, and Washington. Black leader James Farmer, Jr. and other called for non-violent action. "Dr. King would be greatly distressed to find that his blood had triggered off bloodshed and disorder... I think instead the nation should be quiet; black and white, and we should be in a prayerful mood, which would be in keeping with his life. We should make that kind of dedication and commitment to the goals which his life served to solving the domestic problems. That's the memorial, that's the kind of memorial we should build for him. It's just not appropriate for there to be violent retaliations, and that kind of demonstration in the wake of the murder of this pacifist and man of peace."[141]

Stokely Carmichael called for immediate forceful action. "White America killed Dr. King last night. She made a whole lot easier for a whole lot of black people today. There no longer needs to be intellectual discussions, black people know that they have to get guns. White America will live to cry that she killed Dr. King last night. It would have been better if she had killed Rap Brown and/or Stokley Carmichael, but when she killed Dr. King, she lost."[142]

FBI and wiretapping

Allegations of Communist connections

J. Edgar Hoover, the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, for years had been paranoid about potential influence of communists in social movements such as labor unions and civil rights.[143] Hoover directed the FBI to track King in 1957, and the SCLC as it was established (it did not have a full-time executive director until 1960);[41] its investigations were largely superficial until 1962, when it learned that one of King's most trusted advisers was New York City lawyer Stanley Levison. The FBI found Levison had been involved with the Communist Party USA.[144] The FBI had observed his alienation from the Party leadership, but it feared he had taken a low profile in order to work as an "agent of influence" in order to manipulate King, a view it continued to hold despite its own reports in 1963 that Levison had left the Party.[145] Another King lieutenant, Hunter Pitts O'Dell, was also linked to the Communist Party by sworn testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).[146] However, there is no evidence that King himself or the SCLC were actually involved with any communist organizations.

The Bureau placed wiretaps on Levison's and King's home and office phones, and bugged King's rooms in hotels as he traveled across the country.[147][148] The Bureau received authorization to proceed with wiretapping from Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy in 1963[149] and informed President John F. Kennedy, both of whom unsuccessfully tried to persuade King to dissociate himself from Levison.[147]

For his part, King adamantly denied having any connections to Communism, stating in a 1965 Playboy interview that "there are as many Communists in this freedom movement as there are Eskimos in Florida",[150] and claiming that Hoover was "following the path of appeasement of political powers in the South" and that his concern for communist infiltration of the civil rights movement was meant to "aid and abet the salacious claims of southern racists and the extreme right-wing elements".[151] Hoover did not believe his pledge of innocence and replied by saying that King was "the most notorious liar in the country."[152] After King gave his "I Have A Dream" speech during the March on Washington on August 28, 1963, the FBI described King as "the most dangerous and effective Negro leader in the country".[148] In December 1963, FBI officials who were gathered to a special conference alleged that King was "knowingly, willingly and regularly cooperating with and taking guidance from communists" whose long-term strategy was to create of a "Negro-labor" coalition detrimental to American security.[153]

The attempt to prove that King was a Communist was related to the feeling of many segregationists that blacks in the South were happy with their lot but had been stirred up by "communists" and "outside agitators".[154] The civil rights movement arose from activism within the black community dating back to before World War I. Levison did have ties with the Communist Party in various business dealings, but the FBI refused to believe its own intelligence bureau reports that Levison was no longer associated in that capacity.[155] In response to the FBI's comments regarding communists directing the civil rights movement, King said that "the Negro revolution is a genuine revolution, born from the same womb that produces all massive social upheavals—the womb of intolerable conditions and unendurable situations."[156]

Allegations of adultery

Having concluded that King was dangerous due to communist infiltration, the focus of the Bureau's investigations shifted to attempting to discredit King through revelations regarding his private life. FBI surveillance of King, some of it since made public, attempted to demonstrate that he also engaged in numerous extramarital affairs.[148] Further remarks on King's lifestyle were made by several prominent officials, such as Lyndon Johnson, who once said that King was a "hypocritical preacher".[157] Ralph Abernathy, a close associate of King's, stated in his 1989 autobiography And the Walls Came Tumbling Down that King had a "weakness for women".[158][159] In a later interview, Abernathy said he only wrote the term "womanizing", and did not specifically say King had extramarital sex.[160] King's biographer David Garrow detailed what he called King's "compulsive sexual athleticism." Garrow wrote about numerous extramarital affairs, including one with a woman King saw almost daily. According to Garrow, "that relationship, rather than his marriage, increasingly became the emotional centerpiece of King's life, but it did not eliminate the incidental couplings that were a commonplace of King's travels." King explained his extramarital affairs as "a form of anxiety reduction". Garrow noted that King's sexual adventurism was the cause of "painful and overwhelming guilt".[161]

The FBI distributed reports regarding such affairs to the executive branch, friendly reporters, potential coalition partners and funding sources of the SCLC, and King's family.[162] The Bureau also sent anonymous letters to King threatening to reveal information if he did not cease his civil rights work.[163] One anonymous letter sent to King just before he received the Nobel Peace Prize read, in part, "The American public, the church organizations that have been helping—Protestants, Catholics and Jews will know you for what you are—an evil beast. So will others who have backed you. You are done. King, there, is only one thing left for you to do. You know what it is. You have just 34 days in which to do (this exact number has been selected for a specific reason, it has definite practical significant [sic]). You are done. There is but one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy fraudulent self is bared to the nation."[164] King interpreted this as encouragement for him to commit suicide,[165] although William Sullivan, head of the Domestic Intelligence Division at the time, argued that it may have only been intended to "convince Dr. King to resign from the SCLC."[151] King refused to give in to the FBI's threats.[166]

On January 31, 1977, United States district Judge John Lewis Smith, Jr., ordered all known copies of the recorded audiotapes and written transcripts resulting from the FBI's electronic surveillance of King between 1963 and 1968 to be held in the National Archives and sealed from public access until 2027.[167]

Across from the Lorraine Motel, next to the rooming house in which James Earl Ray was staying, was a fire station. Police officers were stationed in the fire station to keep King under surveillance.[168] Using papered-over windows with peepholes cut into them, the agents were watching the scene while Martin Luther King was shot.[169] Immediately following the shooting, officers rushed out of the station to the motel, and Marrell McCollough, an undercover police officer, was the first person to administer first-aid to King.[170] The antagonism between King and the FBI, the lack of an all points bulletin to find the killer, and the police presence nearby have led to speculation that the FBI was involved in the assassination.[171]

Legacy

King's main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States, which has enabled more Americans to reach their potential. He is frequently referenced as a human rights icon today. His name and legacy have often been invoked since his death as people have debated his likely position on various modern political issues.

On the international scene, King's legacy included influences on the Black Consciousness Movement and Civil Rights Movement in South Africa.[172] King's work was cited by and served as an inspiration for Albert Lutuli, another black Nobel Peace prize winner who fought for racial justice in that country.[173] The day following King's assassination, school teacher Jane Elliott conducted her first "Blue Eyes/Brown Eyes" exercise with her class of elementary school students in Riceville, Iowa. Her purpose was to help them understand King's death as it related to racism, something they little understood from having lived in a predominately white community.[174]

King's wife, Coretta Scott King, followed her husband's footsteps and was active in matters of social justice and civil rights until her death in 2006. The same year that Martin Luther King was assassinated, Mrs. King established the King Center in Atlanta, Georgia, dedicated to preserving his legacy and the work of championing nonviolent conflict resolution and tolerance worldwide.[175] His son, Dexter King, currently serves as the center's chairman.[176] Daughter Yolanda King is a motivational speaker, author and founder of Higher Ground Productions, an organization specializing in diversity training.[177]

There are opposing views even within the King family — regarding the slain civil rights leader's religious and political views about homosexuals, lesbians, bisexuals and transgendered people. King's widow Coretta said publicly that she believed her husband would have supported gay rights. However, his daughter Bernice believed he would have been opposed to gay marriage.[178] The King Center includes discrimination, and lists homophobia as one of its examples, in its list of "The Triple Evils" that should be opposed.[179]

In 1980, the Department of Interior designated King's boyhood home in Atlanta and several nearby buildings the Martin Luther King, Jr. National Historic Site. In 1996, United States Congress authorized the Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity to establish a foundation to manage fund raising and design of a Martin Luther King, Jr. National Memorial on the Mall in Washington, DC.[180] King was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha, the first intercollegiate Greek-letter fraternity established by and for African Americans.[181] King was the first African American honored with his own memorial in the National Mall area and the first non-President to be commemorated in such a way.[182] The sculptor chosen was Lei Yixin.[183] The King Memorial will be administered by the National Park Service.[184]

King's life and assassination inspired many artistic works. In 1969 Maya Angelou published her autobiography I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings.[185] In spring of 2006, a stage play about King was produced in Beijing, China with King portrayed by Chinese actor, Cao Li. The play was written by Stanford University professor, Clayborne Carson.[186]

King spoke earlier about what people should remember him for if they are around for his funeral. He said rather than his awards and where he went to school, people should talk about how he fought peacefully for justice.:

“ I'd like somebody to mention that day that Martin Luther King Jr. tried to give his life serving others. I'd like for somebody to say that day that Martin Luther King Jr. tried to love somebody.

I want you to say that day that I've tried to be right on the walk with them. I want you to be able to say that day that I did try to feed the hungry. I want you to be able to say that day that I did try in my life to clothe all to a naked. I want you to say on that day that I did try in my life to visit those who were in prison. And I want you to say that I tried to love and serve humanity.

Yes, if you want to say that I was a drum major. Say that I was a drum major for justice. Say that I was a drum major for peace. I was a drum major for righteousness. And all of the other shallow things will not matter."1968 Year In Review, UPI.com" ”

Martin Luther King Jr. Day

At the White House Rose Garden on November 2, 1983, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a federal holiday to honor King. Observed for the first time on January 20, 1986, it is called Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. Following President George H. W. Bush's 1992 proclamation, the holiday is observed on the third Monday of January each year, near the time of King's birthday.[187] On January 17, 2000, for the first time, Martin Luther King Jr. Day was officially observed in all fifty U.S. states.[188]

Awards and recognition

King was awarded at least fifty honorary degrees from colleges and universities in the U.S. and elsewhere.[10][189] Besides winning the 1964 Nobel Peace Prize, in 1965 King was awarded the American Liberties Medallion by the American Jewish Committee for his "exceptional advancement of the principles of human liberty".[189][190] Reverend King said in his acceptance remarks, "Freedom is one thing. You have it all or you are not free".[191] King was also awarded the Pacem in Terris Award, named after a 1963 encyclical letter by Pope John XXIII calling for all people to strive for peace.[192]

In 1966, the Planned Parenthood Federation of America awarded King the Margaret Sanger Award for "his courageous resistance to bigotry and his lifelong dedication to the advancement of social justice and human dignity."[193] King was posthumously awarded the Marcus Garvey Prize for Human Rights by Jamaica in 1968.[10]

In 1971, King was posthumously awarded the Grammy Award for Best Spoken Word Album for his Why I Oppose the War in Vietnam.[194] Six years later, the Presidential Medal of Freedom was awarded to King by Jimmy Carter.[195] King and his wife were also awarded the Congressional Gold Medal in 2004.[196]

King was second in Gallup's List of Widely Admired People in the 20th century.[197] In 1963 King was named Time Person of the Year and in 2000, King was voted sixth in the Person of the Century poll by the same magazine.[198] King was elected third in the Greatest American contest conducted by the Discovery Channel and AOL.[199]

More than 730 cities in the United States have streets named after King.[200] King County, Washington rededicated its name in his honor in 1986, and changed its logo to an image of his face in 2007.[201] The city government center in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, is named in honor of King.[202] King is remembered as a martyr by the Episcopal Church in the United States of America (feast day April 4)[1][203] and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (feast day January 15).[204]

In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Martin Luther King, Jr. on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[205]

Capital memorial

A memorial to King has been planned for construction on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., by the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial Project Foundation. The Foundation hopes to begin construction of the memorial in 2009. In April 2009, the media reported that King's family had charged the Foundation $800,000 for the use of his words and image in fund-raising materials for the memorial.[206]

Intellectual Properties Management Inc., an organization operated by King's family, has been charging the Foundation licensing and management fees since 2003. Cambridge University historian David Garrow, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his biography of King, said of King's family's behavior, "One would think any family would be so thrilled to have their forefather celebrated and memorialized in D.C. that it would never dawn on them to ask for a penny." He added that King would have been "absolutely scandalized by the profiteering behavior of his children." King's family responded that the money would be used to maintain the King Center in Atlanta where King and his wife are entombed.[206][207][208]

Notes

  • 1. The Episcopal and Lutheran Churches in the USA have feast days dedicated to Martin Luther King Jr., on 4th April and 15th January respectively, as per the Calendar of saints (Episcopal Church in the United States of America), and Calendar of Saints (Lutheran). Neither church has a formal canonization process, and King Jr. is recognized as a martyr in both churches. There is a statue of King Jr. in the Gallery of 20th Century Martyrs at Westminster Abbey, London.
  • 2. Lischer, Richard. (2001). The Preacher King, p. 3.
  • 3. Ogletree, Charles J. (2004). All Deliberate Speed: Reflections on the First Half Century of Brown v. Board of Education. W.W. Norton & Company. pp. 138. ISBN 0393058972.
  • 4. Ling, Peter J. (2002). Martin Luther King, Jr.. Routledge. pp. 11. ISBN 0415216648.
  • 5. King, Jr., Martin Luther; Clayborne Carson; Peter Holloran; Ralph Luker; Penny A. Russell (1992). The papers of Martin Luther King, Jr.. University of California Press. pp. 76. ISBN 0520079507.
  • 6. Katznelson, Ira (2005). When Affirmative Action was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America. W.W. Norton & Company. pp. 5. ISBN 0393052133.
  • 7. Ching, Jacqueline (2002). The Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.. Rosen Publishing Group. pp. 18. ISBN 0823935434.
  • 8. Downing, Frederick L. (1986). To See the Promised Land: The Faith Pilgrimage of Martin Luther King, Jr. Mercer University Press. pp. 150. ISBN 0865542074.
  • 9. Nojeim, Michael J. (2004). Gandhi and King: The Power of Nonviolent Resistance. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 179. ISBN 0275965740.
  • 10. "Biographical Outline of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.". The King Center. http://www.thekingcenter.org/mlk/bio.html. Retrieved 2008-06-08.
  • 11. See Martin Luther King, Jr. authorship issues. See also: Baldwin, Lewis V. (1992). To Make the Wounded Whole: The Cultural Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.. Fortress Press. pp. 298. ISBN 0800625439. , "Boston U. Panel Finds Plagiarism by Dr. King". The New York Times. 1991-10-11. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D0CEFD61030F932A25753C1A967958260. Retrieved 2008-06-14. , Heller, Steven; Veronique Vienne (2003). Citizen Designer: Perspectives on Design Responsibility. Allworth Communications, Inc.. pp. 156. ISBN 1581152655.
  • 12. "Coretta Scott King". Daily Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1509338/Coretta-Scott-King.html. Retrieved 2008-09-08.
  • 13. Warren, Mervyn A. (2001). King Came Preaching: The Pulpit Power of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.. InterVarsity Press. pp. 35. ISBN 0830826580.
  • 14. Fuller, Linda K. (2004). National Days/National Ways: Historical, Political, And Religious Celebrations around the World. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 314. ISBN 0275972704.
  • 15. http://ginsberg.umich.edu/downloads/Boyte_Dewey_Lecture2007.doc
  • 16. Thurman, Howard (1981). With Head and Heart: The Autobiography of Howard Thurman. Harcourt. pp. 254. ISBN 015697648X.
  • 17. Thurman, Howard; Walter E. Fluker; Catherine Tumber (1998). A Strange Freedom: The Best of Howard Thurman on Religious Experience and Public Life. Beacon Press. pp. 6. ISBN 080701057X.
  • 18. Curtis, Nancy C. (1996). Black Heritage Sites: An African American Odyssey and Finder's Guide. ALA Editions. pp. 62. ISBN 0838906435.
  • 19. Marsh, Charles (1999). God's Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil Rights. Princeton University Press. pp. 122. ISBN 0691029407.
  • 20. "The Legacy of Howard Thurman - Mystic and Theologian". Religion & Ethics Newsweekly. PBS. 2002-01-18. http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/week520/feature.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
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  • 23. Kahlenberg, Richard D.. "Book Review: Bayard Rustin: Troubles I've Seen". Washington Monthly. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1316/is_n4_v29/ai_19279952. Retrieved 2008-06-12.
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  • 25. Farrell, James J. (1997). The Spirit of the Sixties: Making Postwar Radicalism. Routledge. pp. 90. ISBN 0415913853.
  • 26. De Leon, David (1994). Leaders from the 1960s: a biographical sourcebook of American activism. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 138. ISBN 0313274142.
  • 27. Arsenault, Raymond (2006). Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice. Oxford University Press US. pp. 62. ISBN 0195136748.
  • 28. Galchutt, Kathryn M. (2005). The Career of Andrew Schulze, 1924-1968: Lutherans And Race in the Civil Rights Era. Mercer University Press. pp. 194. ISBN 086554946X.
  • 29. Wintle, Justin (2001). Makers of Modern Culture: Makers of Culture. Routledge. pp. 272. ISBN 0415265835.
  • 30. Manheimer, Ann S. (2004). Martin Luther King Jr: Dreaming of Equality. Twenty-First Century Books. pp. 103. ISBN 1575056275.
  • 31. "December 1, 1955: Rosa Parks arrested". CNN. 2003-03-11. http://www.cnn.com/2003/US/03/10/sprj.80.1955.parks/index.html. Retrieved 2008-06-08.
  • 32. Walsh, Frank (2003). The Montgomery Bus Boycott. Gareth Stevens. pp. 24. ISBN 0836854039.
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  • 35. King, Jr., Martin Luther; Clayborne Carson; Peter Holloran; Ralph Luker; Penny A. Russell (1992). The papers of Martin Luther King, Jr.. University of California Press. pp. 9. ISBN 0520079507. See also: Jackson, Thomas F. (2007). From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle for Economic Justice. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 53. ISBN 0812239695.
  • 36. Marable, Manning; Leith Mullings (2000). Let Nobody Turn Us Around: Voices of Resistance, Reform, and Renewal: an African American Anthology. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 391–392. ISBN 084768346X.
  • 37. Vivian, Octavia (2006). Coretta: The Story of Coretta Scott King. Fortress Press. pp. 45. ISBN 0800638557.
  • 38. "New Sitdowns Stir Violence in Tennessee". The Chicago Daily Tribune. April 12, 1960.
  • 39. King, Jr., Martin Luther (1988). The Measure of a Man. Fortress Press. pp. 9. ISBN 0800608771.
  • 40. Theoharis, Athan G.; Tony G. Poveda; Richard Gid Powers; Susan Rosenfeld (1999). The FBI: A Comprehensive Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 148. ISBN 089774991X.
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  • 42. Wilson, Joseph; Manning Marable; Immanuel Ness (2006). Race and Labor Matters in the New U.S. Economy. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 47. ISBN 0742546918. See also: Schofield, Norman (2006). Architects of Political Change: Constitutional Quandaries and Social Choice Theory. Cambridge University Press. pp. 189. ISBN 0521832020.
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  • 44. Shafritz, Jay M. (1998). International Encyclopedia of Public Policy and Administration. Westview Press. pp. 1242. ISBN 0813399742. See also: Loevy, Robert D.; Hubert H. Humphrey; John G. Stewart (1997). The Civil Rights Act of 1964: The Passage of the Law that Ended Racial Segregation. SUNY Press. pp. 337. ISBN 0791433617.
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  • 51. Jones, Maxine D.; Kevin M. McCarthy (1993). African Americans in Florida: An Illustrated History. Pineapple Press Inc.. pp. 113–115. ISBN 156164031X.
  • 52. Haley, Alex (January 1965). "Martin Luther King". The Playboy Interview (Playboy). http://www.playboy.com/arts-entertainment/features/mlk/index.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
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  • 65. Jackson, Thomas F. (2007). From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle for Economic Justice. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 222–223. ISBN 0812239695.
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  • 67. Isserman, Maurice; Michael Kazin (2000). America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s. Oxford University Press US. pp. 175. ISBN 0195091906. See also: Azbell, Joe (1968). The Riotmakers. Oak Tree Books. pp. 176.
  • 68. Leeman, Richard W. (1996). African-American Orators: A Bio-critical Sourcebook. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 220. ISBN 0313290148.
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  • 71. Ralph, James (1993). Northern Protest: Martin Luther King, Jr., Chicago, and the Civil Rights Movement. Harvard University Press. pp. 1. ISBN 0674626877.
  • 72. Cohen, Adam Seth; Elizabeth Taylor (2000). Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley : His Battle for Chicago and the Nation. Back Bay. pp. 347. ISBN 0316834890.
  • 73. Cohen, Adam Seth; Elizabeth Taylor (2000). Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley : His Battle for Chicago and the Nation. Back Bay. pp. 416. ISBN 0316834890. See also: Ralph, James (1993). Northern Protest: Martin Luther King, Jr., Chicago, and the Civil Rights Movement. Harvard University Press. pp. 1. ISBN 0674626877. See also: Fairclough, Adam (1987). To Redeem the Soul of America: The Southern Christian Leadership Conference & Martin Luther King, Jr.. University of Georgia Press. pp. 299. ISBN 0820323462.
  • 74. Baty, Chris (2004). Chicago: City Guide. Lonely Planet. pp. 52. ISBN 1741040329. See also: Stone, Eddie (1988). Jesse Jackson. Holloway House Publishing. pp. 59–60. ISBN 087067840X.
  • 75. Lentz, Richard (1990). Symbols, the News Magazines, and Martin Luther King. LSU Press. pp. 230. ISBN 0807125245.
  • 76. Isserman, Maurice; Michael Kazin (2000). America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s. Oxford University Press US. pp. 200. ISBN 0195091906. See also: Miller, Keith D. (1998). Voice of Deliverance: The Language of Martin Luther King, Jr., and Its Sources. University of Georgia Press. pp. 139. ISBN 0820320137.
  • 77. Mis (2008). Meet Martin Luther King, Jr.. Rosen Publishing Group. pp. 20. ISBN 1404242090.
  • 78. Slessarev, Helene (1997). The Betrayal of the Urban Poor. Temple University Press. pp. 140. ISBN 1566395437.
  • 79. Krenn, Michael L. (1998). The African American Voice in U.S. Foreign Policy Since World War II. Taylor & Francis. pp. 29. ISBN 0815334184.
  • 80. Robbins, Mary Susannah (2007). Against the Vietnam War: Writings by Activists. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 107. ISBN 0742559149.
  • 81. Robbins, Mary Susannah (2007). Against the Vietnam War: Writings by Activists. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 102. ISBN 0742559149.
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  • 83. Lawson, Steven F.; Charles M. Payne; James T. Patterson (2006). Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 148. ISBN 0742551091.
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  • 85. Long, Michael G. (2002). Against Us, But for Us: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the State. Mercer University Press. pp. 199. ISBN 0865547688.
  • 86. Baldwin, Lewis V. (1992). To Make the Wounded Whole: The Cultural Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.. Fortress Press. pp. 273. ISBN 0800625439.
  • 87. Harding; Cindy Rosenthal (2006). Restaging the Sixties: Radical Theaters and Their Legacies. University of Michigan Press. pp. 297. ISBN 0472069543. See also: Lentz, Richard (1990). Symbols, the News Magazines, and Martin Luther King. LSU Press. pp. 64. ISBN 0807125245.
  • 88. Ling, Peter J. (2002). Martin Luther King, Jr.. Routledge. pp. 277. ISBN 0415216648.
  • 89. Franklin, Robert Michael (1990). Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought. Fortress Press. pp. 125. ISBN 0800623924.
  • 90. King, Jr., Martin Luther; Coretta Scott King; Dexter Scott King (1998). The Martin Luther King, Jr. Companion: Quotations from the Speeches, Essays, and Books of Martin Luther King, Jr.. St. Martin's Press. pp. 39. ISBN 0312199902.
  • 91. Zinn, Howard (2002). The Power of Nonviolence: Writings by Advocates of Peace. Beacon Press. pp. 122. ISBN 0807014079.
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  • 94. Vigil, Ernesto B. (1999). The Crusade for Justice: Chicano Militancy and the Government's War on Dissent. University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 54. ISBN 0299162249.
  • 95. Kick, Russell (2001). You are Being Lied to: The Disinformation Guide to Media Distortion, Historical Whitewashes and Cultural Myths. The Disinformation Campaign. pp. 1991. ISBN 0966410076.
  • 96. Isserman, Maurice (2001). The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrington. PublicAffairs. pp. 281. ISBN 1586480367.
  • 97. Bobbitt, David (2007). The Rhetoric of Redemption: Kenneth Burke's Redemption Drama and Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" Speech. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 105. ISBN 0742529282.
  • 98. Ling, Peter J. (2002). Martin Luther King, Jr.. Routledge. pp. 250–251. ISBN 0415216648.
  • 99. Yeshitela, Omali. "Abbreviated Report from the International Tribunal on Reparations for Black People in the U.S.". African People's Socialist Party. http://www.apspuhuru.org/publications/repnow/ReparationsNow-OCR.txt. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
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  • 103. Thomas, Evan (2007-11-19). "The Worst Week of 1968, Page 2". Newsweek. http://www.newsweek.com/id/69542/page/2. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
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  • 105. "United States Department of Justice Investigation of Recent Allegations Regarding the Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr – VII. King V. Jowers Conspiracy Allegations". United States Department of Justice. June 2000. http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/crim/mlk/part6.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 106. Garner, Joe; Walter Cronkite; Bill Kurtis (2002). We Interrupt This Broadcast: The Events that Stopped Our Lives...from the Hindenburg Explosion to the Attacks of September 11. Sourcebooks, Inc.. pp. 62. ISBN 1570719748. See also: Pepper, William (2003). An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther King. Verso. pp. 159. ISBN 1859846955.
  • 107. Pilkington, Ed (2008-04-03). "40 years after King's death, Jackson hails first steps into promised land". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/03/usa.race.
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  • 109. Purnick, Joyce (1988-04-18). "Koch Says Jackson Lied About Actions After Dr. King Was Slain". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=940DEED7133EF93BA25757C0A96E948260. Retrieved 2008-06-11.
  • 110. Lokos, Lionel (1968). House Divided: The Life and Legacy of Martin Luther King. Arlington House. pp. 48.
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  • 113. Klein, Joe. Politics Lost: How American Democracy was Trivialized by People Who Think You're Stupid. New York, Doubleday, 2006. ISBN 978-0385-51027-1, p. 6.
  • 114. Manheimer, Ann S. (2004). Martin Luther King Jr: Dreaming of Equality. Twenty-First Century Books. pp. 97. ISBN 1575056275.
  • 115. Dickerson, James (1998). Dixie's Dirty Secret: The True Story of how the Government, the Media, and the Mob Conspired to Combat Immigration and the Vietnam Antiwar Movement. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 169. ISBN 0765603403.
  • 116. Hatch, Jane M.; George William Douglas (1978). The American Book of Days. Wilson. pp. 321.
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  • 118. Werner, Craig (2006). A Change is Gonna Come: Music, Race & the Soul of America. University of Michigan Press. pp. 9. ISBN 0472031473.
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  • 122. Flowers, R. Barri; H. Loraine Flowers (2004). Murders in the United States: Crimes, Killers And Victims Of The Twentieth Century. McFarland. pp. 38. ISBN 0786420758.
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  • 126. Davis, Lee (1995). Assassination: 20 Assassinations that Changed the World. JG Press. pp. 105. ISBN 1572152354.
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  • 129. Knight, Peter (2003). Conspiracy Theories in American History: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 402. ISBN 1576078124.
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  • 131. Frank, Gerold (1972). An American Death: The True Story of the Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Greatest Manhunt of our Time. Doubleday. pp. 283.
  • 132. "James Earl Ray, convicted King assassin, dies". CNN. 1998-04-23. http://edition.cnn.com/US/9804/23/ray.obit/#2. Retrieved 2006-09-17.
  • 133. "Trial Transcript Volume XIV". The King Center. http://www.thekingcenter.org/tkc/trial/Volume14.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 134. Smith, Robert Charles; Richard Seltzer (2000). Contemporary Controversies and the American Racial Divide. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 97. ISBN 074250025X.
  • 135. Pepper, William (2003). An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther King. Verso. pp. 182. ISBN 1859846955.
  • 136. Sargent, Frederic O. (2004). The Civil Rights Revolution: Events and Leaders, 1955-1968. McFarland. pp. 129. ISBN 0786419148.
  • 137. "United States Department of Justice Investigation of Recent Allegations Regarding the Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.". USDOJ. http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/crim/mlk/part2.htm#over. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 138. Canedy, Dana (2002-04-06). "My father killed King, says pastor, 34 years on". The Sydney Morning Herald. http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2002/04/06/1017206269495.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 139. Branch, Taylor (2006). At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years, 1965-68. Simon & Schuster. pp. 770. ISBN 9780684857121.
  • 140. Goodman, Amy; Juan Gonzalez (2004-01-15). "Jesse Jackson On "Mad Dean Disease," the 2000 Elections and Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King". Democracy Now!. http://www.democracynow.org/2004/1/15/rev_jesse_jackson_on_mad_dean. Retrieved 2006-09-18.
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  • 143. Downing, Frederick L. (1986). To See the Promised Land: The Faith Pilgrimage of Martin Luther King, Jr. Mercer University Press. pp. 246–247. ISBN 0865542074.
  • 144. Kotz, Nick (2005). Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Laws that Changed America. Houghton Mifflin Books. pp. 233. ISBN 0618088253.
  • 145. Kotz, Nick (2005). Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Laws that Changed America. Houghton Mifflin Books. pp. 71–73. ISBN 0618088253.
  • 146. Woods, Jeff (2004). Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-communism in the South, 1948-1968. LSU Press. pp. 126. ISBN 0807129267. See also: Wannall, Ray (2000). The Real J. Edgar Hoover: For the Record. Turner Publishing Company. pp. 87. ISBN 1563115530.
  • 147. Ryskind, Allan H. (2006-02-27). "JFK and RFK Were Right to Wiretap MLK". Human Events. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3827/is_200602/ai_n17173432/pg_2. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 148. Christensen, Jen (2008-04-07). "FBI tracked King's every move". CNN. http://www.cnn.com/2008/US/03/31/mlk.fbi.conspiracy/index.html. Retrieved 2008-06-14.
  • 149. Garrow, David J. (2002-07/08). "The FBI and Martin Luther King". The Atlantic Monthly. http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200207/garrow.
  • 150. Washington, James M. (1991). A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr.. HarperCollins. pp. 362. ISBN 0060646918.
  • 151. Church, Frank (April 23, 1976). "Church Committee Book III". Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Case Study. Church Committee. http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIIb.htm. Retrieved 2009-03-28.
  • 152. Bruns, Roger (2006). Martin Luther King, Jr.: A Biography. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 67. ISBN 0313336865.
  • 153. Kotz, Nick (2005). Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Laws that Changed America. Houghton Mifflin Books. pp. 83. ISBN 0618088253.
  • 154. Gilbert, Alan (1990). Democratic Individuality: A Theory of Moral Progress. Cambridge University Press. pp. 435. ISBN 0521387094.
  • 155. Kotz, Nick (2005). Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Laws that Changed America. Houghton Mifflin Books. pp. 70–74. ISBN 0618088253.
  • 156. Washington, James M. (1991). A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr.. HarperCollins. pp. 363. ISBN 0060646918.
  • 157. Sidey, Hugh (1975-02-10). "L.B.J., Hoover and Domestic Spying". Time. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,912799-2,00.html. Retrieved 2008-06-14.
  • 158. Newsweek Magazine 1-19-1998, page 62; "And the walls came tumbling down," by Rev. Ralph Abernathy (1989)
  • 159. Baldwin, Lewis V. (1992). To Make the Wounded Whole: The Cultural Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. Fortress Press. p. 296. ISBN 0800625439.
  • 160. "And the Walls Came Tumbling Down by Rev. Ralph David Abernathy". Booknotes. 1989-10-29. http://www.booknotes.org/Transcript/index_print.asp?ProgramID=1442. Retrieved 2008-06-14.
  • 161. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. William Morrow & Company. 1986. pp. 375–376. See also: Burrow, Jr., Rufus (Spring 2003). "The humanity of Martin Luther King, Jr.: Vigilance in pursuing his dream". Encounter. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa4044/is_200304/ai_n9232227. Retrieved 2008-06-14.
  • 162. Burnett, Thom (2005). Conspiracy Encyclopedia. Collins & Brown. pp. 58. ISBN 1843402874.
  • 163. Thragens, William C. (1988). Popular Images of American Presidents. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 532. ISBN 031322899X.
  • 164. "FBI letter to King". Oil Empire. http://www.oilempire.us/cointelpro.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27. See also: Kotz, Nick (2005). Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Laws that Changed America. Houghton Mifflin Books. pp. 247. ISBN 0618088253.
  • 165. Wilson, Sondra K. (1999). In Search of Democracy: The NAACP Writings of James Weldon Johnson, Walter White, and Roy Wilkins (1920-1977). Oxford University Press US. pp. 466. ISBN 019511633X.
  • 166. "FBI tracked King's every move". CNN. http://www.cnn.com/2008/US/03/31/mlk.fbi.conspiracy/index.html#cnnSTCVideo. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 167. Phillips, Geraldine N. (Summer 1997). "Documenting the Struggle for Racial Equality in the Decade of the Sixties". Prologue Magazine. The National Archives and Records Administration. http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/1997/summer/equality-in-the-sixties.html#f3. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 168. "Eyewitness to Murder: The King Assassination Featured Individuals". Black in America. CNN. http://www.hvc-inc.com/clients/cnn/bia/featured.html. Retrieved 2008-06-16.
  • 169. McKnight, Gerald (1998). The Last Crusade: Martin Luther King, Jr., the FBI, and the Poor People's Crusade. Boulder: Westview Press. pp. 76. ISBN 0813333849.
  • 170. Martin Luther King, Jr.: The FBI Files. Filiquarian Publishing, LLC. 2007. pp. 40–42. ISBN 1599862530. See also: Polk, James (2008-04-07). "King conspiracy theories still thrive 40 years later". CNN. http://www.cnn.com/2008/US/03/28/conspiracy.theories/index.html. Retrieved 2008-06-16. and "King's FBI file". FBI. http://foia.fbi.gov/foiaindex/king.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 171. Knight, Peter (2003). Conspiracy Theories in American History: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 408–409. ISBN 1576078124.
  • 172. Ansell, Gwen (2005). Soweto Blues: Jazz, Popular Music, and Politics in South Africa. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 139. ISBN 0826417531. See also: Clinton, Hillary Rodham (2007). It Takes a Village: And Other Lessons Children Teach Us. Simon & Schuster. pp. 137. ISBN 1416540644.
  • 173. King, Jr., Martin Luther; Clayborne Carson; Peter Holloran; Ralph Luker; Penny A. Russell (1992). The papers of Martin Luther King, Jr.. University of California Press. pp. 307–308. ISBN 0520079507.
  • 174. Peters, William. "A Class Divided: One Friday in April, 1968". Frontline. PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/divided/etc/friday.html. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 175. "The King Center's Mission". The King Center. http://www.thekingcenter.org/tkc/mission.asp. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 176. Copeland, Larry (2006-02-01). "Future of Atlanta's King Center in limbo". USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-01-31-king-center_x.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27. See also: "Chairman's Message: Introduction to the King Center and its Mission". The King Center. http://www.thekingcenter.org/tkc/chairman.asp. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 177. "Welcome to Higher Ground Productions". Higher Ground Productions. http://www.highergroundproductions.com/index2.htm. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 178. Williams, Brandt (2005-01-16). "What would Martin Luther King do?". Minnesota Public Radio. http://news.minnesota.publicradio.org/features/2005/01/17_williamsb_wwmlkd/. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 179. "The Triple Evils". The King Center. http://www.thekingcenter.org/misc/triple_evils.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 180. "Washington, DC Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial Project Foundation Breaks Ground On Historic $100 Million Memorial On The National Mall In Washington, D.C.". Washington, DC Martin Luther King, Jr. National Memorial Project Foundation. 2006-11-06. http://www.mlkmemorial.org/site/apps/nlnet/content2.aspx?c=hkIUL9MVJxE&b=1601407&ct=3612187. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 181. Mjagkij, Nina (2001). Organizing Black America: An Encyclopedia of African American Associations. Taylor & Francis. pp. 30. ISBN 0815323093.
  • 182. Tobias, Randall L. (2007-01-18). "Celebrating the Birthday of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.". U.S. Department of State. http://www.state.gov/f/releases/remarks2007/87649.htm.
  • 183. Evans, Ben (2007-08-25). "Choice of sculptor for Martin Luther King Jr. monument draws flak". USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2007-08-25-mlkmemorial_N.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27. "The selection of a Chinese sculptor to carve a three-story monument to Martin Luther King Jr. on the National Mall is raising questions about what part of his legacy should be celebrated."
  • 184. "History of the Memorial". Washington, DC Martin Luther King, Jr. National Memorial Project Foundation. http://www.mlkmemorial.org/site/c.hkIUL9MVJxE/b.1190613/k.5EE9/History_of_the_Memorial.htm. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 185. "Maya Angelou". Poetry Foundation. http://www.poetryfoundation.org/archive/poet.html?id=180. Retrieved 2008-10-08.
  • 186. "National Theatre Company of China Tours Atlanta, Birmingham, and Memphis". The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute. 2007-02-06. http://www.stanford.edu/group/King/China/mlkchina/try2_files/mlkpp_data/Touring_Atlanta_text.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27. See also: 2007-06-23, Anthony. "NPR: Martin Luther King's Story Plays on Beijing Stage". National Public Radio. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=11330396 NPR:. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 187. "Proclamation 6401 - Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday, 1992". The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=47329. Retrieved 2008-09-08. See also: "Martin Luther King Day". U.S. Department of State. http://exchanges.state.gov/education/engteaching/mlkbday.htm. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 188. Goldberg, Carey (1999-05-26). "Contrarian New Hampshire To Honor Dr. King, at Last". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A07E0DC1031F935A15756C0A96F958260. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 189. Warren, Mervyn A. (2001). King Came Preaching: The Pulpit Power of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.. InterVarsity Press. pp. 79. ISBN 0830826580.
  • 190. "Winner of the 1964 Nobel Prize in Peace". Nobel Prize Committee. http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/1964/index.html. Retrieved 2008-06-21. See also: Engel, Irving M.. "Commemorating Martin Luther King, Jr.: Presentation of American Liberties Medallion". American Jewish Committee. http://www.ajc.org/site/apps/nl/content3.asp?c=ijITI2PHKoG&b=843719&ct=1052921. Retrieved 2008-06-13.
  • 191. King, Jr., Martin Luther. "Commemorating Martin Luther King, Jr.: Response to Award of American Liberties Medallion". American Jewish Committee. http://www.ajc.org/site/apps/nl/content3.asp?c=ijITI2PHKoG&b=843719&ct=1052923. Retrieved 2008-06-13.
  • 192. "Habitat co-founder to receive Pacem in Terris award tonight". Quad-City Times. 2005-10-23. http://www.qctimes.com/articles/2005/10/23/news/local/doc435b0e9c484dc514864978.txt. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 193. "The Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. upon accepting The Planned Parenthood Federation Of America Margaret Sanger Award". PPFA. http://www.plannedparenthood.org/about-us/who-we-are/the-reverend-martin-luther-king-jr.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 194. Gates, Henry Louis; Anthony Appiah (1999). Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. Basic Civitas Books. pp. 1348. ISBN 0465000711.
  • 195. "Presidential Medal of Freedom Recipient Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.". The Official Site of the Presidential Medal of Freedom. http://www.medaloffreedom.com/MartinLutherKingJr.htm. Retrieved 2008-06-13.
  • 196. "Congressional Gold Medal Recipients (1776 to Present)". Office of the Clerk: U.S. House of Representatives. http://clerk.house.gov/art_history/house_history/goldMedal.html. Retrieved 2008-06-16.
  • 197. Gallup, George; Alec Gallup, Jr. (2000). The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1999. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 249. ISBN 0842026991.
  • 198. "The Person of the Century Poll Results". Time. 2000-01-19. http://www.time.com/time/time100/poc/century.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 199. "Reagan voted 'greatest American'". BBC. 2005-06-28. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4631421.stm. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 200. Alderman, Derek H.. "Naming Streets for Martin Luther King, Jr.: No Easy Road" (PDF). Landscape and Race in the United States. Routledge Press. http://personal.ecu.edu/aldermand/pubs/alderman_chapter.pdf.
  • 201. "King County Was Rededicated For Mlk". The Seattle Times. 1998-01-18. http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19980118&slug=2729257. Retrieved 2008-06-13. See also: "New logo is an image of civil rights leader". King County. http://www.kingcounty.gov/operations/logo.aspx. Retrieved 2008-06-13.
  • 202. "Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Essay Competition Winners Announced". City of Harrisburg. 2003-01-19. http://www.harrisburgpa.gov/pressReleases/prArchives/2003/01/20030119_mlkEssay.html. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 203. Flagg, Chuck (2006-02-10). "What it Takes to Become a Saint". The Morgan Hill Times. http://www.morganhilltimes.com/lifestyles/178715-what-it-takes-to-become-a-saint. Retrieved 2008-08-27.
  • 204. "News & Events — January 2008". St. Thomas Evangelical Lutheran Church. http://www.stlconline.org/archive/200801.html. Retrieved 2008-06-15.
  • 205. Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York. Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.
  • 206. Zongker, Brett, (Associated Press), "King family draws fees from DC memorial project", Yahoo News, April 17, 2009.
  • 207. Shirek, John, "King Center: MLK's Children Not Making Money on Memorial," WXIA-TV, April 22, 2009.
  • 208. Turley, Jonathan, "Monumental Shakedown: Cashing in on Martin Luther King, Jr.", Los Angeles Times, April 22, 2009.

References

  • Abernathy, Ralph (1989). And the Walls Came Tumbling Down: An Autobiography. Harper & Row. ISBN 0060161922.
  • Ayton, Mel (2005). A Racial Crime: James Earl Ray And The Murder Of Martin Luther King Jr.. Archebooks Publishing. ISBN 1595070753.
  • Beito, David; Beito, Linda Royster (2004). "T.R.M. Howard: Pragmatism over Strict Integrationist Ideology in the Mississippi Delta, 1942–1954". in Feldman, Glenn (ed.). Before Brown: Civil Rights and White Backlash in the Modern South. University of Alabama Press. pp. p.68–95. ISBN 0817351345.
  • Branch, Taylor (2006). At Canaan's Edge: America In the King Years, 1965–1968. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 068485712X.
  • Branch, Taylor (1988). Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954–1963. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0671460978.
  • Branch, Taylor (1998). Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963–1965. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0684808196.
  • Chernus, Ira (2004). "Chapter 11". American Nonviolence: The History of an Idea. Orbis Books. ISBN 1570755477.
  • Garrow, David J (1981). The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr.. Penguin Books. ISBN 0140064869.
  • Jackson, Thomas F. (2006). From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle for Economic Justice. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 9780812239690.
  • King, Coretta Scott (1993) [1969]. My Life with Martin Luther King, Jr.. Henry Holth & Co. ISBN 080502445X.
  • Kirk, John A. (2005). Martin Luther King, Jr.. Pearson Longman. ISBN 0582414318.
  • Lindgren, Carl Edwin. "Resurrection City". Southern Exposure vol.XX (No. 1 Spring 1992): p.7.

Books

Works by King

  • Stride toward freedom; the Montgomery story (1958)
  • The Measure of a Man (1959)
  • Strength to Love (1963)
  • Why We Can't Wait (1964)
  • Where do we go from here: Chaos or community? (1967)
  • The Trumpet of Conscience (1968)
  • A Testament of Hope : The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. (1986)
  • The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. (1998), ed. Clayborne Carson

Other works

  • David Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (1989)
  • Flip Schulke and Penelope McPhee, King Remembered, Foreword by Jesse Jackson (1986)
  • Nick Kotz, Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Laws that Changed America (2005)